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BiH između briselskog intervencionizma i unutrašnjeg kompromisa Milorad Ekmečić Istorijske i strateške osnove Republike Srpske Rajko Kuzmanović Proces konstituisanja RS i BiH Petar Kunić Entitetska struktura i funkcionalnost BiH Miroslav Mikeš Kolektivna i individualna prava u RS i BiH Dragan Đukanović Hrvatsko pitanje u (post)dejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini Dušan Nikoliš i Miodrag Komarčević Destruktivna faza restrukturiranja policijskog kompleksa u Bosni i Hercegovini Tomas Melman Rekonstrukcija policije u Bosni i Hercegovini Podsetnik
Slobodan Durmanović BiH između briselskog intervencionizma i unutrašnjeg kompromisa (Republika Srpska i BiH na prelazu iz "dejtonske" u "briselsku" fazu) Sažetak: U ovom prilogu autor se fokusira na najveću političku krizu u BiH od potpisivanja Dejtonskog sporazuma, ukazujući na genezu i razvoj krize, s posebnim osvrtom na zahteve Evropske unije za restrukturisanjem policijskih snaga u BiH i za ustavnim promenama, koji se političarima u BiH postavljaju kao ključni uslovi za pristupanje Evropskoj uniji. Autor ukazuje na intervencionistički karakter politike koju EU vodi putem Kancelarije visokog predstavnika u BiH (OHR) u pravcu smanjenja političkog uticaja Republike Srpske na kreiranje "funkcionalnih" institucija BiH, odnosno umanjenja političke autonomije RS u okviru BiH kroz prenos nadležnosti sa entitetskih institucija na nivo zajedničke države BiH. Autor pokazuje ključne razlike u konceptima ustavnog (pre)uređenja BiH među političkim elitama konstitutivnih naroda u BiH (Srbi, Bošnjaci i Hrvati), ukazujući na to da će odgovor na pitanje o novom ustavnom aranžmanu predstavljati test za opstanak ili nestanak BiH. Ključne reči: Bosna i Hercegovina, Dejtonski sporazum, ustav, Republika Srpska, policija. Milorad Ekmečić Istorijske i strateške osnove Republike Srpske Sažetak: U ovom tekstu autor je pokušao da suprotstavi istorijska prava Srba u oblastima zapadno od Drine i strateške interese zapadnih zemalja u okvirima Republike Srpske, kao i etničko čišćenje sprovedeno nad srpskim stanovništvom u Hrvatskoj. Srbi nikada nisu bili pridošlice niti uljezi na teritoriji drugih naroda zapadno od Drine. Prema mišljenju svih relevantnih naučnika, smatra se da su Bosnu i Hercegovinu prvo naselili pravoslavni Srbi. Ovaj zaključak prihvaćen je ne samo u srpskoj etnologiji i istoriji, već i u vodećoj evropskoj literaturi. Novija dela, kao što je npr. Kratka istorija Bosne (Bosnia. A Short History, London, 1994.) Noela Malkolma, trebalo bi posmatrati kao savremenu zapadnu ideološku procenu srpske istorijske improvizacije. Vodeći francuski antropolog Ežen Pitar istraživao je antropološke karakteristike balkanskih naroda između 1903. i 1915. U Pitarovim knjigama, objavljenim nakon 1910, zaključeno je da je srpsko pravoslavno stanovništvo najstarije. Pitar je uporedio skelete iz neolitskih grobnica sa skeletima živih ljudi, tvrdeći je da je stanovništvo Bosne i Hercegovine, etnološki i po nacionalnom identitetu, isto, ali da je podeljeno na "verske narode". Na taj način je nestao zajednički srpski identitet. U Hrvatskoj (uključujući i Vojnu krajinu) Srbi su sačinjavali čak 26 odsto stanovništva, u Dalmaciji 17 odsto, zajedno sa 25.000 "Srba katolika". Strateški interesi SAD i njihovih evropskih saveznika bili su glavni faktori koji su povlačili granice "Srpske" posle 1995. Autor je naveo i procene predsednikâ Izetbegovića i Tuđmana o tome šta je strategija SAD na savremenom Balkanu. To je urađeno na zajedničkoj konferenciji od 27. marta 1993, samo jedan dan od povratka Alije Izetbegovića iz Vašingtona. Amerika na Balkanu želi – kako je rekao Tuđman – savez Hrvata i bosanskih Muslimana za smirivanje eventualne srpske gerile u slučaju američkog sukoba sa Rusijom. Izetbegović je sažeo američke projekte jednom jedinom rečenicom: "Amerika će srušiti sve srpske mostove prema budućnosti." Ključne reči: istorijska prava, strateški interesi, etničko čišćenje, naseljavanje. Rajko Kuzmanović Proces konstituisanja RS i BiH Sažetak: Proces konstituisanja Bosne i Hercegovine kao države trajao je veoma dugo. Od potpadanja Bosne pod tursku vlast 1463. do Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma iz 1995. Bosna i Hercegovina nije postojala kao država u punom smislu. Svi pokušaji u tom smeru nisu uspevali postići više od visokog stepena autonomije ili statusa federalne jedinice. Voljom sva tri njena konstitutivna naroda, Bosna i Hercegovina postala je kompleksna država sa dva entiteta – Republikom Srpskom i Federacijom Bosne i Hercegovine. Međutim, neke retrogradne političke snage iz Federacije žele da stvore unitarnu Bosnu i Hercegovinu sa dominacijom najbrojnije nacije. To se ni u kom slučaju neće i ne sme desiti zato što Bosna i Hercegovina može da postoji samo kao kompleksna država zasnovana na kompromisu. Republika Srpska stvorena je voljom srpskog naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini i međunarodne zajednice. Lokalni zakoni i međunarodno pravo ustanovili su je kao stalnu kategoriju. Republika Srpska poštuje Dejtonski mirovni sporazum i Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine. Danas je stabilniji i prosperitetniji deo Bosne i Hercegovine, a sva tri naroda uživaju u jednakosti i slobodi. Ona neće dozvoliti rušenje Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma, već će svom snagom pristupiti procesu završetka konstituisanja i ustavnog organizovanja Bosne i Hercegovine kako bi je time učinila funkcionalnom, ali isključivo u okviru Dejtonskog sporazuma i strukture federacije. Ukoliko retrogradne snage nastave da insistiraju na nerealnom političkom rešenju za ustrojstvo države, naneće štetu svim narodima Bosne i Hercegovine, čije će se društvo još više podeliti. Ključne reči: konstituisanje BiH, Dejtonski sporazum, Republika Srpska, redefinisanje odnosa. Petar Kunić Entitetska struktura i funkcionalnost BiH Sažetak: Za sve narode i građane Bosne i Hercegovine poželjna je funkcionalna država. Međutim, za postizanje ovog cilja potrebni su politička volja i ambijent u kome se ne blokira rad institucija, što se čini zarad ostvarenja političkih ciljeva. Entiteti, odnosno federalne jedinice, nisu prepreka stvaranju funkcionalne države. Važno je, dakle, reformisati organizacionu strukturu Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine. Da li će Federacija ostati kao jedna federalna jedinica, ili će se podeliti na dve ili više, zavisi od konsenzusa naroda koji žive u tom entitetu. Ovaj politički trenutak zahteva od političke elite Republike Srpske da okupi narod oko ideje jedinstva, prikupi rasutu energiju i da bude na nivou svog istorijskog zadatka. Trebalo bi odbaciti kulturu servilnosti i potčinjenosti, jer ona negira oslanjanje na sopstvene vrednosti. Ključne reči: funkcionalna država, reforma institucija, konsenzus naroda, odnos entiteta u BiH. Miroslav Mikeš Kolektivna i individualna prava u RS i BiH Odnos kolektivnih i individualnih ljudskih prava i sloboda u svetlu konstitutivnosti naroda Sažetak: Pojedinačna ljudska prava najveći su i najsvetiji ideal demokratije i vladavine prava. Primarna zaštita ljudskih prava i sloboda ogleda se u tome što su predviđena i uneta u ustav kao najveći politički i pravni akt. Sekundarna zaštita ovih prava ostvaruje se putem sudskog postupka. U Bosni i Hercegovini i dalje nisu sazreli politički odnosi za primenu isključivo individualnih prava i sloboda, a potrebno je zaštititi i kolektivna nacionalna prava konstitutivnih naroda Bosne i Hercegovine. Prava ravnoteža između ljudskih prava i prava narodâ važan je preduslov za dugotrajnu i legitimnu Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Ključne reči: zaštita ljudskih prava, RS, problem zaštite kolektivnih prava. Dragan Đukanović Hrvatsko pitanje u (post)dejtonskoj Bosni i Hercegovini Sažetak: Nezadovoljstvo Hrvata vlastitim statusom unutar dejtonske Bosne i Hercegovine, a posebno unutar entiteta sa bošnjačko-hrvatskom većinom – Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine, eskaliralo je 2001. godine proglašenjem samoproklamovane Privremene hrvatske samouprave. No, ova teritorijalna autonomija nije zaživela zahvaljujući brzoj reakciji Visokog predstavnika i smeni hrvatskih predstavnika u centralnim organima vlasti BiH. Ipak, 2005. godine u javnosti se pojavio predlog Biskupske konferencije BiH, koji počiva na formiranju regija u kojima niti jedan od tri konstitutuivna naroda (Bošnjaci, Hrvati i Srbi) ne bi imao više od 40 odsto učešća u ukupnom broju stanovnika. Sa druge strane, šest vodećih političkih partija bosanskohercegovačkih Hrvata (HDZ, HDZ 1990, HSS BiH, HSP, HKDU) krajem septembra 2007. godine potpisalo je Kreševsku deklaraciju. U navedenom dokumentu se vodeće hrvatske političke stranke zalažu za federalizaciju Bosne i Hercegovine, i to putem formiranja tri etničke jedinice "srednjeg" nivoa vlasti i uspostavljanjem specijalnog statusa grada Sarajeva. Za razliku od dosadašnjih, najčešće oštrih, reakcija predstavnika međunarodne zajednice u BiH na slične pokušaje "zaokruživanja" hrvatskih etničkih prostora u ovoj zemlji, one su ovim povodom izostale. Ključne reči: Hrvati, Bosna i Hercegovina, ustavne promene, Federacija BiH, Republika Srpska, federalizacija, regionalizacija, kantoni, Biskupska konferencija BiH, etnička podela. Dušan Nikoliš i Miodrag Komarčević Destruktivna faza restrukturiranja policijskog kompleksa u Bosni i Hercegovini Sažetak: Međunarodne i evropske policijske snage u BiH (IPTF i EUPM) nastupale su i deluju u ulozi supervizora reforme lokalnog policijskog kompleksa. Strukturni integritet i kapacitet policijske službe BiH nije bio u središtu reformskog interesovanja IPTF, tj. nalazio se nisko na njegovoj skali prioriteta. Primarni cilj procesa reforme policijskog kompleksa u BiH je transformacija iz tradicionalnog policijskog modela u model tzv. policije u zajednici i izgradnja modela rada policije kompatibilnog sa standardima zemalja EU. EUPM je svoju misiju usmerio na realizaciju održive i samostalne policijske strukture u BiH u skladu sa najboljom evropskom praksom i standardima. Evropska komisija smatra reformu policijskih struktura i čitave predimenzionirane i višeslojne javne uprave nužnim korakom u uspostavljanju vladavine prava i ključnim preduslovom za pristupanje BiH EU. Sadašnji policijski sistem je finansijski neodrživ u sklopu preobimnog javnog sektora. Koncept jedinstvene policijske strukture. Ključne reči: Policijski kompleks, "policija u zajednici", policijske agencije, policijski menadžment, IPTF, EUPM, OHR,EU, destrukcija, restrukturiranje, reforma, javna uprava. Tomas Melman Rekonstrukcija policije u Bosni i Hercegovini: problemi reforme sistema bezbednosti pod međunarodnim vođstvom Sažetak: Napori oko rekonstruisanja policije u Bosni i Hercegovini, koje je pokrenula međunarodna zajednica, osobito koristeći moć evropskih integracija, imali su za cilj reformu koja bi transformisala veoma fragmetarni sistem policije u depolitizovanu jedinstvenu strukturu, a okončali su se usaglašavanjem oko poprilično slabog političkog dogovora. Visoki predstavnik, lord Ešdaun, nasilno je sprovodio svoja ovlaštenja, namećući teške sankcije domaćim učesnicima, uključujući tu i široku upotrebu bonskih ovlašćenja. Da bi ojačao međunarodni uticaj, pokušao je da poveže reformu policije sa pitanjem evropskih integracija, instrumentalizujući pregovore o članstvu kako bi zadovoljio ciljeve svoje reforme, rizikujući tako budućnost evropskih integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Pri tome, pristup koji je izabrala međunarodna zajednica imao je ozbiljnih slabosti, čemu je doprineo model komisije reforme policije, pošto najvažniji igrači nisu bili upoznati sa zemljom i njenom političkom kulturom. Ključne reči: reforma sistema bezbednosti, Bosna i Hercegovina, rekonstrukcija policije, evropske integracije, efektivno održavanje reda.
Slobodan Durmanović Bosnia and Herzegovina between Brussels interventionism and Internal compromise Milorad Ekmečić Historical and strategic foundations of Republic of Srpska Rajko Kuzmanović Creation of the Republic of Srpska and Bosnia and Herzegovina Petar Kunić Entity structure and the functionality of Bosnia and Herzegovina Miroslav Mikeš Relation between collective and individual human rights and freedoms in the light of the Constitutive nature of Nations Dragan Đukanović Croatian issue in (Post)- Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina Dušan Nikoliš and Miodrag Komarčević Destructive stage of restructuring the Police complex in Bosnia and Herzegovina Thomas Muehlmann Police Restructuring in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Problems of Internationally-Led Security Sector Reform Chronology Summaries: Slobodan Durmanović BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BETWEEN BRUSSELS INTERVENTIONISM AND INTERNAL COMPROMISE Summary: The author focuses on the worst political crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina since Dayton Peace Accords were signed, points to the origins of this crisis and how it developed, and makes a reference to EU demands to restructure the police force in Bosnia and Herzegovina and to introduce constitutional changes. These are the key requirements for the accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the European Union that Bosnian politicians have to fulfill. The author also points to the EU's policy of interventionism implemented through OHR (The Office of the High Representative), which is aimed toward reducing political influence of the Republic of Srpska and thus create "functional" institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. minimizing political autonomy of the Republic of Srpska within Bosnia and Herzegovina by way of transfer of power from entity institutions to the federal level. The author points to the key differences in concepts of the constitutional framework of Bosnia and Herzegovina offered by the political elites of the country's three constituent peoples (Serbs, Bosnians and Croats) and predicts that the constitutional re-arrangement of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be a test of its viability. Key words: Bosnia and Herzegovina , Dayton Agreement, constitution, the Republic of Srpska , police. Milorad Ekmečić HISTORICAL AND STRATEGIC FOUNDATIONS OF REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA Summary: In this essay the author attempts to juxtapose the historical rights of the Serbs in the regions west of the Drina River and strategic interests of western countries within the boundaries of the Republic of Srpska, as well as the ethnic cleansing of the Serb population in Croatia. The Serbs have never been newcomers or intruders on other nations' territories west of the Drina River. According to eminent scientists, first inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina were Orthodox Serbs. This conclusion is adopted not only among Serb ethnologists and historians, but among mainstream European scientists as well. More recent works, like Bosnia. A Short History by Noel Malcolm (London, 1994) should be taken as a contemporary Western ideological assessment of the historical improvisation of the Serbs. Eugene Pittard, a leading French anthropologist, was examining the anthropological features of the Balkan peoples in the period between 1903 and 1915. In his books published after 1910 Pittard concludes that the Orthodox Serb population is the oldest one. Pittard compared skeletons from Neolithic graves in Bosnia with those of living men, claiming that the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina is, ethnologically and in terms of national identity, the same, but divided into "nations by religion". In this way, the common Serb identity disappeared. In Croatia (including Vojna Krajina [Military Frontier]), Serbs made up 26% of the population, 17% in Dalmatia, including 25,000 "Catholic Serbs". Taking into account their native language, the whole population of Dalmatia, excluding urban Italian communities, were officially described as Serbs. In this way, the present "Republic of Srpska" is but "a remnant of remnants" of much larger territories and population west of the Drina River. Strategic interests of the United States and their European allies were crucial in drawing up the borders of "Srpska". The author quotes the assessments made by presidents Tuđman and Izetbegović of what American strategy in the contemporary Balkans was. They were made at a joint conference on 3/27/1993, just one day after Izetbegović's return from Washington D.C. What America wants in the Balkans – said Tuđman – is an alliance of Croats and Bosnian Muslims in order to neutralize possible Serb guerrillas in case of American conflict with Russia. Izetbegović summarized American projects in a single sentence: "America will burn all Serb bridges to the future". Key words: historic rights, strategic interests, ethnic cleansing, settlement. Rajko Kuzmanović CREATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SRPSKA AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Summary: The process of creating the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina lasted quite long. In the period between the fall of Bosnia under the Turkish rule in 1463 and Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina never existed as a state in its full capacity. All attempts towards statehood could yield no more than a high degree of autonomy or the status of a federal unit. By the will of its three constitutive peoples, Bosnia and Herzegovina became a complex state with two entities – the Republic of Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, some retrograde political forces from the Federation wish to create a unitary Bosnia and Herzegovina with the domination of the largest ethnic group. In any case, that will not and must not happen because Bosnia and Herzegovina can exist only as a complex state founded on compromise. The Republic of Srpska was created by the will of the Serb people in Bosnia and Herzegovina and by the international community. Local and international law defines it as a permanent category. The Republic of Srpska is devoted to Dayton Peace Agreement and the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today it is the more stable and prosperous part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with all three constitutive nations equal and free. It will not allow any undermining of the Dayton Peace Agreement, but will instead enthusiastically enter the process of the completion of constituting and constitutional organizing of Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to create a functional Bosnia and Herzegovina, but solely within the boundaries of the Dayton Agreement and a federal framework. If retrograde forces keep on insisting on an illusory political solution for the organization of the state, they will simply harm all nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, further dividing its society. Key words: constititing Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dayton agreement, the Republic of Srpska, redefining relations. Petar Kunić ENTITY STRUCTURE AND THE FUNCTIONALITY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Summary: A functional state is desirable for all nations and citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, achieving this aim requires political will and an obstruction-free environment for the work of institutions, which is still lacking as a result of a desire to score political goals. Entities, i.e. federal units, do not pose an obstacle for the creation of a functional state. Hence, it is necessary to reform the organizational structure of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Whether the Federation will remain as a single federal unit, or will be divided into two or more units, depends on the consensus of the peoples living in that entity. The current political moment requires that the political elite in the Republic of Srpska should gather people around the idea of unity, muster up the dispersed energy and live up to its historic task. The culture of servility and submission ought to be rejected, because it denies resting on one's own values. Key words: functional state, reform of institutions, consensus of nations, relations between the entities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. iroslav Mikeš RELATION BETWEEN COLLECTIVE AND INDIVIDUAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS IN THE LIGHT OF THE CONSTITUTIVE NATURE OF NATIONS Summary: Individual human rights and freedoms are the greatest and holiest ideal of democracy and rule of law. The primary protection of human rights and freedoms is demonstrated by the fact that they are stipulated in the Constitution as the highest political and legal act. Secondary protection of these rights is achieved by taking legal measures. In Bosnia and Herzegovina we still do not have mature political relations needed for the implementation of solely individual rights and freedoms. It is also necessary to protect the collective national rights of constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The proper balance between human rights and the rights of nations is an important precondition for a long-lasting and legitimate Bosnia and Herzegovina. Key words: protection of human rights, the Republic of Srpska, collective rights protection issue. Dragan Đukanović CROATIAN ISSUE IN (POST)-DAYTON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Summary: Croats' discontent with their status within the Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, and particularly within the entity with Bosnian and Croat majority – the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina – escalated in 2001 when the self-styled Temporary Croatian Autonomy was proclaimed. But this territorial autonomy did not come into effect due to High Representative's prompt response and deposition of Croatian representatives in Bosnian governmental bodies. However, in 2005 the public learned about the proposal put forward by the Conference of Bishops of Bosnia and Herzegovina, based on the idea that regions where none of the constituent peoples (Bosnians, Serbs and Croats) would not exceed 40% of the population. On the other hand, six major political parties (HDZ, HDZ 1990, HSS BiH, HSP, HKDU and "Radom za boljitak" ["Working towards Prosperity"]) signed the Kreshevo Declaration in late September 2007. In this document all major Croatian parties propose federalization of Bosnia and Herzegovina by forming three ethnic units with a "medium" level of power and giving special status to the city of Sarajevo. In the past there were usually sharp responses, which came from representatives of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when similar attempts to make "self-contained" Croatian ethnic territories in this country were made, which is not the case now. Key words: Croats, Bosnia and Herzegovina, constitutional changes, Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Srpska, federalization, regionalization, cantons, Conference of Bishops of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnic division. Dušan Nikoliš and Miodrag Komarčević DESTRUCTIVE STAGE OF RESTRUCTURING THE POLICE COMPLEX IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Summary: International and European police forces (IPTF and EUPM) act as supervisors of the reform of the local police complex. Structural integrity and capacity of the Bosnian police force was not in the focus of IPTF's interest and was not among its main priorities. The principal aim of the reform of the police complex in Bosnia and Herzegovina is transformation from the traditional into community police model and making policing compatible with EU standards. EUPM aimed its mission toward introducing a sustainable and independent police structure in Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with best European practices and standards. European Commission considers the reform of police structures and the huge multi-layered administration is an important step in establishing the rule of law and key requirement for Bosnia's accession to EU. The current police system is financially unsustainable within the scope of the oversized public sector. Key words: Police complex, community police, police agencies, police management, IPTF, EUPM, OHR, EU, destruction, restructuring, reform, public administration. Thomas Muehlmann Police Restructuring in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Problems of Internationally-Led Security Sector Reform Summary: The police restructuring efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina driven by the international community, using in particular the leverage of European integration, attempted to achieve a reform that would transform a very fragmented police system into a de-politicised single structure and ended in the signing of a rather weak political agreement. The High Representative, Lord Ashdown, forcefully exercised his powers, imposing heavy sanctions on domestic actors, including the extensive use of the Bonn Powers. To increase international leverage, he attempted to link police reform with the question of EU integration, instrumentalising the membership negotiations to satisfy his reform aims, thus putting at risk the future of Bosnia's European integration. Additionally, the approach chosen by international community had serious deficiencies. The model of the Police Reform Commission contributed to these, because its key players were unfamiliar with the country and its political culture. Key words: security sector reform; Bosnia-Herzegovina; police restructuring; European integration; effective policing.
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