Broj 1-2/2008 Tema: Kosovo i evropski identitet Srbije

Sadržaj

Rezimei 

Contents and summaries

UVODNIK

Tema ovog broja Nove srpske političke misli je Kosovo i evropski identitet Srbije. Reč je o pitanju u odnosu na koje se ne samo prepoznaju i povlače demarkacione linije na srpskoj političkoj sceni, nego – što je u teorijskom, naučnom i kulturološkom smislu daleko važnije – u velikoj meri artikuliše, uobličava i usmerava celokupno stvaralaštvo iz oblasti društvenih nauka i određuje njegov dalji pravac. Od odgovora na pitanje kako ćemo razumeti pitanje Kosova i pitanje svog evropskog identiteta, odnosno, pitanje odnosa srpskog nacionalnog identiteta i nadnacionalne, evropske vrednosne i političke identifikacije i njihovu međusobnu vezu umnogome zavisi kakav će identitetski obrazac ovog naroda biti uspostavljen i kakav će biti referentni okvir unutar kojeg će se graditi buduća srpska politikologija i društvena nauka, kao i srpski duhovni i kulturni prostor.

S druge strane, problematizacija Kosova i evropskog identiteta, iako na prvi pogled može tako delovati, nije samo srpsko pitanje i pitanje o Srbiji. To je problem širih razmera u političkom, pravnom, sociološkom i filozofskom smislu, s obzirom da sobom otvara kako načelno pitanje odnosa nacionalnog i nadnacionalnog identiteta, tako i pitanje o samom projektu i budućnosti EU (kao prvog transnacionalnog saveza u istoriji) u svetlu aktuelnog okretanja prema kategorijama države i nacije u postglobalnom svetu. Najzad, ovo pitanje podrazumeva i niz stručnih rasprava do kojih je došlo povodom samoproklamovane nezavisnosti Kosova suprotno međunarodnom pravu i činjenici da nikada i nigde u novijoj istoriji suverenost jedne države nije bila dovedena u pitanje na način na koji je to učinjeno u slučaju Srbije.

Na taj način, pitanje Kosova i evropskog identiteta istovremeno se ispostavlja i kao pitanje o državi, suverenosti, pravu, demokratiji, sadašnjosti i budućnosti Evrope, i, sa druge strane, kao normativno pitanje o vrednostima, značenju, smislu i tekovinama evropske civilizacije, dakle, pitanje koje je, stoga, od značaja i za svetski politikološki, sociološki, pravni i političko-filozofski diskurs.

Šta je, dakle, evropski odgovor na evropski problem? Kakav je stvarni odnos srpskog nacionalnog identiteta i evropskog identiteta većine srpskog naroda? U kom smislu je pitanje Kosova neodvojivo i paradigmatično za srpski nacionalni identitet? Odnosno, nije li, naprotiv, upravo ideja o Kosovu kao neodvojivom delu Srbije zasnovana na principu multietničnosti, a ne na nacionalnom principu? U kakvom odnosu stoje kategorije suverenosti i secesije prema pitanju identiteta? Da li je moguća i u praksi ostvariva ideja o istovremenom ostvarenju nacionalnog i nadnacionalnog identiteta? Koja je veza između identiteta i demokratije?

Ovo su neka od pitanja na koje ugledni politikolozi, sociolozi, filozofi i istoričari odgovaraju u tematskom bloku ovog broja Nove srpske političke misli. Temat započinje analizom Radmile Nakarade u kojoj se argumeniše u prilog teze da se celokupan odnos EU prema raspadu bivše SFRJ, a naročito kosovskom pitanju, pokazao kao neadekvatan i u suštinskom smislu „neevropski“. Sledi filozofski prilog Bogdane Koljević, u kojem se nadnacionalni i nacionalni identitetski obrasci razmatraju kroz političke projekte SAD i EU u protekloj deceniji, sa posebnim osvrtom na Kosovo i Metohiju i pitanje demokratije. Slobodan Samardžić analizira ideju o „precedentnom karakteru“ kosovskog problema kao klasičnog slučaja zahteva za secesijom, dok Goran Nikolić izlaže strukturu demografskih procesa na Kosovu i Metohiji nakon Drugog svetskog rata i društvene posledice tog procesa. Sociološki rad Slobodana Miladinovića izlaže rezultate empirijskih istraživanja srpskog javnog mnjenja o problemu Kosova i Metohije, a u prilogu Ivone Lađevac i Dragana Đukanovića iznosi se zaključak o samo prividnoj multietničnosti i stvarnoj etničkoj podeljenosti na prostoru Kosova. U analizi Jelene Ponomarjove izlaže se ideja o kvazidržavnosti kao obliku širenja globalnog upravljanja, dok se u prilogu Dragomira Anđelkovića obrazlaže ideja o Kosovu kao ogledalu evropskog identiteta Srba.

U rubrici Ogledi donosimo kritičku analizu Vladana Kutlešića povodom mišljenja Venecijanske komisije o novom ustavu Srbije, kao i tekst Nade Raduški, koja daje uporedni pregled modela po kojima se manjinska pitanja rešavaju u različitim evropskim državama. U istoj rubrici objavljuju se i radovi Lorne Štrbac i Zorana Krstića o različitim aspektima problema globalizacije, kao i razmatranje Dejana Vuka Stankovića o Poperovoj i Hajekovoj kritičkoj reviziji kolektivizma. U ovom broju Nove srpske političke misli objavljujemo i prevod nedavno preminulog ruskog filozofa Aleksandra Panarina, kao i osvrte, recenzije i prikaze Dejana Petrovića, Dobrice Gajića, Nebojše Vukovića, Marija Brudara, Milice Vesković i Slaviše Orlovića.

SADRŽAJ

Uvodnik ........................................................................................3

TEMA BROJA: KOSOVO I EVROPSKI IDENTITET SRBIJE

Radmila Nakarada

Evropski odgovor za evropski problem............................................ 7

Bogdana Koljević

Kosovo i Evropska unija: pitanja identiteta i demokratije ......................19

Slobodan Samardžić

Suverenost – samoopredeljenje – secesija ............................................33

Goran Nikolić

Albanski populacioni bum na Kosovu i Metohiji nakon Drugog svetskog rata ......................51

Slobodan Miladinović

Pregovori o statusu Kosova – pogled iz srpskog ugla:

između pravednog i realnog ......................67

Ivona Lađevac i Dragan Đukanović

Kosovo – između proklamovane multietničnosti i stvarne

etničke podeljenosti ......................93

Jelena Ponomarjova

Kvazidržavnost kao instrument hegemonije: slučaj Kosovo ......................105

Dragomir Anđelković

Kosovo kao ogledalo evropskog identiteta Srba ............................................121

Ogledi

Vladan Kutlešić

Venecijanska komisija o Ustavu Srbije ............................................137

Nada Raduški

Rešavanje manjinskog pitanja u razvijenim evropskim

državama – Olandska ostrva kao uzor ......................153

Lorna Štrbac

Kulturna globalizacija ............................................167

Zoran Krstić

Globalizacija i desuverenizacija ............................................189

Dejan Vuk Stanković

Poperova i Hajekova kritička revizija kolektivizma ............................................207

Prevod

Aleksandar Panarin

Hrišćanski fundamentalizam protiv „tržišnog terorizma“ ......................227

Osvrti, recenzije, prikazi

Dejan Petrović

Partnerstvo umesto neprijateljstva

(DŽon Lojd, Šta mediji rade našoj politici) ......................249

Dobrica Gajić

Balkan u 19. veku

(Anđelo Tambora, Kavur i Balkan) ............................................253

Nebojša Vuković

Budući put Rusije

(Юriй Nikolaevič Golubčikov, Vladimir Fedorovič Nesterenko,

Buduщee Rossii) ......................265

Mario Brudar

Uzaludan angažman

(Branislav Krstić, Amputirano Kosovo – odbrana  Miloševića

koja traje) ......................272

Milica Vesković

Od mita do identiteta

(Pjotr Kuncevič, Legenda Evrope) ............................................275

Slaviša Orlović

Od slobode jednog do slobode svih

(Vojislav Stanovčić, Politička teorija) ............................................279

Contents ..................................................................287

REZIMEI

Rad­mi­la Na­ka­ra­da

Fa­kul­tet po­li­tič­kih na­u­ka

Beograd

EVROP­SKI OD­GO­VOR ZA EVROP­SKI PRO­BLEM 

Sa­že­tak: U ra­du se po­la­zi od te­ze da je od­nos EU pre­ma ras­pa­du Ju­go­sla­vi­je, a po­seb­no pre­ma ko­sov­skom za­ple­tu u ve­li­koj me­ri su­spen­do­vao prin­ci­pe na ko­ji­ma se ona sa­ma uz­di­gla i ko­je je pro­mo­vi­sa­la. Na taj na­čin raz­gra­di­la je mi­rov­ni kon­sen­zus, kao i kon­sen­zus o ne­na­sil­nom me­nja­nju gra­ni­ca, či­me je do­pri­ne­la us­po­sta­vlja­nju vla­da­vi­ne nad pra­vom, re­ha­bi­li­to­va­nju si­le i ši­re­nju kon­fu­zi­je i ha­o­sa. Raz­lo­ge za po­se­za­njem za ne­e­vrop­ske od­go­vo­re EU autor na­la­zi u nje­nim he­ge­mon­skim aspi­ra­ci­ja­ma, po­tre­bi unu­tra­šnjeg di­sci­pli­no­va­nja i pa­ci­fi­ka­ci­je Sr­bi­je. Autor se na kra­ju osvr­će na pro­tiv­reč­no­sti re­a­li­zma ko­ji ne iz­vo­di do kra­ja kon­se­kven­ce svog prag­ma­ti­zma.

Ključ­ne re­či: EU, Sr­bi­ja, Ko­so­vo, me­đu­na­rod­no pra­vo, mi­rov­ni kon­sen­zus, re­a­li­zam, ilu­zi­je, si­la. 

Bog­da­na Ko­lje­vić

No­va ško­la za dru­štve­na is­tra­ži­va­nja

Njujork

KO­SO­VO I EVROP­SKA UNI­JA: PITANjA IDEN­TI­TE­TA I DE­MO­KRA­TI­JE 

Sa­že­tak: U član­ku se po­la­zi od raz­ma­tra­nja od­no­sa na­ci­o­nal­nih i nad­na­ci­o­nal­nih iden­ti­tet­skih obra­za­ca u sa­vre­me­noj po­li­tič­koj te­o­ri­ji i prak­si. Autor iz­no­si ar­gu­ment da je ide­ja o „svet­skoj dr­ža­vi“, su­prot­no sa­mo­pro­kla­mo­va­noj za­mi­sli i za­jed­no sa ide­jom o uni­ver­zal­nom mo­de­lu li­be­ral­no-za­pad­ne de­mo­kra­ti­je, za­pra­vo po­slu­ži­la za afir­ma­ci­ju ame­rič­kog na­ci­o­nal­nog in­te­re­sa. Po­li­tič­ki pro­jekt SAD u pro­te­kloj de­ce­ni­ji re­a­li­zo­van je kao sin­te­za neo­prag­ma­ti­zma, post­mo­der­ni­zma i krip­to­šmi­ti­ja­ni­zma, i ne­do­sta­tak ja­sne i do­sled­ne ide­o­lo­ške pro­fi­li­sa­no­sti je­dan je od osnov­nih raz­lo­ga ne­u­spe­ha ovog pro­jek­ta, kao i pro­prat­nog dis­kre­di­to­va­nja ide­ja de­mo­kra­ti­je i plu­ra­li­zma. Pro­jekt EU, s dru­ge stra­ne, kao pr­vi tran­sna­ci­o­nal­ni sa­vez u isto­ri­ji, poj­mov­no i prak­tič­no sa­dr­žao je mo­guć­nost za obra­zo­va­nje po­li­tič­ke za­jed­ni­ce sa dru­ga­či­jim iden­ti­tet­skim obra­scem, ali ne­do­sta­tak kon­cep­tu­al­nog okvi­ra i sa­gla­sja oko vo­de­ćih prin­ci­pa do­veo je do na­ra­sta­ju­ćeg uti­ska o ne­re­al­no­sti evrop­skog iden­ti­te­ta, bi­lo da je reč o prav­noj ili nor­ma­tiv­noj kom­po­nen­ti. Kon­tekst u ko­jem se stra­te­ška kon­ver­gen­ci­ja SAD i EU ne­pre­sta­no po­ve­ća­va do­veo je u pi­ta­nje ne sa­mo po­li­tič­ki su­bjek­ti­vi­tet EU, već i evrop­sku ide­ju de­mo­kra­ti­je i struk­tu­ru me­đu­na­rod­nih od­no­sa u ce­li­ni. Ar­bi­tra­ran od­nos pre­ma pi­ta­nju na­ci­o­nal­nog iden­ti­te­ta i me­đu­na­rod­nom pra­vu pro­iz­veo je di­le­mu o iz­bo­ru Sr­bi­je iz­me­đu Ko­so­va i Me­to­hi­je i EU, či­me je EU ne­po­sred­no sta­la na stra­nu kon­sti­tu­i­sa­nja pro­iz­volj­nog „dru­štva de­mo­kra­ti­ja“, kao pro­iz­vo­da ide­je li­be­ral­nog in­ter­ven­ci­o­ni­zma.

Ključ­ne re­či: na­ci­o­nal­ni iden­ti­tet, de­mo­kra­ti­ja, tran­sna­ci­o­nal­ni iden­ti­tet, Ko­so­vo i Me­to­hi­ja, Evrop­ska uni­ja, SAD, li­be­ral­ni in­ter­ven­ci­o­ni­zam.

Slo­bo­dan Sa­mar­džić

Fakultet političkih nauka

Beograd

Su­ve­re­nost – sa­mo­o­pre­de­lje­nje – se­ce­si­ja* na pri­me­ru ot­ce­plje­nja Ko­so­va 

Sa­že­tak: U ovom član­ku autor po­la­zi od či­nje­ni­ce da je pro­te­klih go­di­na na Ko­so­vu i Me­to­hi­ji na pro­ve­ri isto­vre­me­no bi­la spo­sob­nost me­đu­na­rod­ne za­jed­ni­ce, sprem­nost Sr­ba i Al­ba­na­ca da po­stig­nu kom­pro­mis, kao i pi­ta­nje smi­sla vred­no­sti na ko­ji­ma po­či­va sa­vre­me­ni po­li­tič­ki, na­ro­či­to evrop­ski, po­re­dak. U tom kon­tek­stu, autor ana­li­zi­ra ide­ju o „pre­se­da­nu“, raz­li­ku­ju­ći ne­ga­tiv­no zna­če­nje pre­se­da­na u me­đu­na­rod­nim od­no­si­ma i po­zi­tiv­no zna­če­nje, kao mo­gu­ći na­či­n ure­đe­nja unu­tra­šnjih od­no­sa. Ar­gu­ment da se „pre­ce­dent­ni ka­rak­ter“ ko­sov­skog pro­ble­ma ni na ko­ji na­čin ne tre­ba raz­u­me­ti kao „pre­se­dan“ u pr­vom smi­slu autor iz­la­že kroz ana­li­zu „ko­sov­skog slu­ča­ja“ kao kla­sič­nog slu­ča­ja zah­te­va za se­ce­si­jom, tj. kroz po­li­tič­ko-prav­nu či­nje­ni­cu da je spor iz­me­đu Sr­ba i Al­ba­na­ca su­kob iz­me­đu su­ve­re­no­sti i se­ce­si­je. U dru­gom de­lu, po­la­ze­ći od uvi­da je reč o su­ko­bu iz­me­đu pra­va na su­ve­re­nost dr­ža­ve i pra­va na sa­mo­o­pre­de­lje­nje jed­ne et­nič­ke za­jed­ni­ce, raz­ma­tra­ju se prav­no­nor­ma­tiv­ni pri­stup i te­o­rij­ski pri­stup ovom pro­ble­mu. Autor za­klju­ču­je da se u oba smi­sla pi­ta­nje oprav­da­no­sti se­ce­si­je su­o­ča­va sa te­ško­ća­ma i for­mal­ne i ma­te­ri­jal­ne pri­ro­de, kao i da su po­sle­di­ce se­ce­si­je Ko­so­va i Me­to­hi­je, kao „pre­se­da­na“ u ne­ga­tiv­nom zna­če­nju, traj­no kon­flikt­nog ka­rak­te­ra u po­gle­du bu­duć­no­sti i sta­bil­nosti Bal­ka­na.

Ključ­ne re­či: su­ve­re­nost, se­ce­si­ja, je­din­stven slu­čaj, sa­mo­o­pre­de­lje­nje, prav­no­nor­ma­tiv­ni pri­stup, te­o­rij­ski pri­stup, sta­bil­nost.  

Go­ran Ni­ko­lić

NSPM

Beograd

AL­BAN­SKI PO­PU­LA­CI­O­NI BUM NA KO­SO­VU I ME­TO­HI­JI NA­KON DRU­GOG SVET­SKOG RA­TA 

Sa­že­tak: Po­ve­ća­nje bro­ja Al­ba­na­ca na Ko­so­vu i Me­to­hi­ji u pe­ri­o­du na­kon Dru­gog svet­skog ra­ta re­zul­tat je de­mo­graf­skih pro­ce­sa ko­ji su se me­đu nji­ma od­vi­ja­li u ovom pe­ri­o­du (po­ve­ća­nje raz­li­ke iz­me­đu na­ta­li­te­ta i mor­ta­li­te­ta). Me­ra­ma eko­nom­ske, zdrav­stve­ne, pro­svet­ne i so­ci­jal­ne po­li­ti­ke, kao i po­ve­ća­njem ži­vot­nog stan­dar­da, do­šlo je do zna­čaj­nog pa­da smrt­no­sti (od­ra­slih i odoj­ča­di), dok je na­ta­li­tet stag­ni­rao ili bla­go pa­dao. Pri­vre­da, zbog svo­je struk­tu­re, ni­je bi­la u sta­nju da pri­hva­ti vi­ško­ve rad­ne sna­ge, pa ta­ko ni da stvo­ri eko­nom­sku pod­lo­gu za eman­ci­pa­ci­ju al­ban­ske že­ne. Pla­ni­ra­nju po­ro­di­ce me­đu ko­sov­sko-me­to­hij­skim Al­ban­ci­ma opi­rao se ži­lav pa­tri­jar­hal­ni si­stem. Kon­tro­li ra­đa­nja opi­ra­li su se mo­ral, pred­ra­su­de i ne­zna­nje. Kon­zer­vi­ra­nju pa­tri­jar­hal­nog si­ste­ma po­ma­gao je i ko­mu­ni­stič­ki re­žim ka­ko sa­mom svo­jom pri­ro­dom (ko­lek­ti­vi­zam), ta­ko i po­li­ti­kom pak­ti­ra­nja i in­kor­po­ri­ra­nja (u se­be) pa­tri­jar­hal­nih vr­ho­va.

Ključne reči: Albanci, Kosovo i Metohija, natalitet, mortali­tet, patrijarhalni sistem. 

Slo­bo­dan Mi­la­di­no­vić

Fa­kul­tet or­ga­ni­za­ci­o­nih na­u­ka

Be­o­grad

PRE­GO­VO­RI O STA­TU­SU KO­SO­VA – PO­GLED IZ SRP­SKOG UGLA: IZMEĐU PRAVEDNOG I REALNOG 

Sa­že­tak: Re­zul­ta­ti em­pi­rij­skih is­tra­ži­va­nja uka­zu­ju na to da u sve­sti gra­đa­na Sr­bi­je, kao mo­dal­ni, do­mi­ni­ra stav ko­ji is­ka­zu­je vi­še od po­lo­vi­ne gra­đa­na da bi naj­pra­ved­ni­ji is­hod pre­go­vo­ra o sta­tu­su Ko­so­va i Me­to­hi­je tre­ba­lo da bu­de (pro­ši­re­na) auto­no­mi­ja u okvi­ru Sr­bi­je. S dru­ge stra­ne, ve­li­ki broj njih sma­tra da će se pre­go­vo­ri za­vr­ši­ti sa­mo­stal­no­šću Ko­so­va i Me­to­hi­je. Kon­sta­tu­je se da ak­si­o­lo­ški mo­me­nat ima pre­sud­nu va­žnost u za­u­zi­ma­nju sta­va o pra­ved­nom is­ho­du, te da se o ra­ci­o­nal­nim mo­ti­vi­ma ma­lo raz­mi­šlja. Ovo po­tvr­đu­ju i po­da­ci da je ve­ći­na gra­đa­na ube­dlji­vo pro­tiv mo­guć­no­sti da se ubr­za­no pri­klju­če­nje Evrop­skoj uni­ji uslo­vi da­va­njem (pri­hva­ta­njem sa srp­ske stra­ne) auto­no­mi­je Ko­so­vu i Me­to­hi­ji. U tek­stu se ana­li­zi­ra uti­caj par­tij­sko-po­li­tič­kog i ide­o­lo­škog de­ter­mi­ni­zma na za­u­zi­ma­nje sta­vo­va o ko­sov­skoj kri­zi i za­klju­ču­je se da po­sto­je dve gru­pe gla­sa­ča i sim­pa­ti­ze­ra vo­de­ćih par­la­men­tar­nih stra­na­ka ko­je se mo­gu pri­ka­za­ti kao tvr­da (DSS, SRS i SPS) i me­ka (LDP, G17 plus i DS) li­ni­ja u for­mu­li­sa­nju sta­vo­va ve­za­nih za bu­du­ći is­hod pre­go­vo­ra o sta­tu­su Ko­so­va, s tim da se opre­de­lje­ni gla­sa­či LDP-a po­ka­zu­ju kao ul­tra­me­ka li­ni­ja. Na kra­ju se da­je osvrt na so­cio-isto­rij­ski kon­tekst ko­sov­ske kri­ze i uka­zu­je na mo­gu­će prav­ce nje­nog re­ša­va­nja, pri če­mu se kao naj­re­al­ni­ja i isto­rij­ski naj­pro­duk­tiv­ni­ja raz­ma­tra us­po­sta­vlja­nje du­go­roč­nog pro­tek­to­ra­ta Uje­di­nje­nih na­ci­ja na Ko­so­vu i Me­to­hi­ji.

Ključ­ne re­či: par­tij­sko-po­li­tič­ki i ide­o­lo­ški de­ter­mi­ni­zam, et­nič­ki kon­flikt, se­ce­si­o­ni­zam, vred­no­sna svest.

Ivo­na La­đe­vac i Dra­gan Đu­ka­no­vić

In­sti­tut za me­đu­na­rod­nu po­li­ti­ku i pri­vre­du

Be­o­grad

KO­SO­VO – IZ­ME­ĐU PRO­KLA­MO­VA­NE MULTIETNIČ­NO­STI I STVAR­NE ET­NIČ­KE PODE­LjE­NO­STI* 

Sa­že­tak: Auto­ri u ovom ra­du ana­li­zi­ra­ju me­đu­et­nič­ke od­no­se na Ko­so­vu na­kon jed­no­stra­no pro­gla­še­ne ne­za­vi­sno­sti ovog en­ti­te­ta 17. fe­bru­a­ra 2008. go­di­ne. S tim u ve­zi oni po­seb­no uka­zu­ju na dra­stič­nu iz­me­nu et­nič­ke struk­tu­re po­kra­ji­ne u raz­do­blju od 1981. do 2008. go­di­ne, kao i na evo­lu­ci­ju na­stan­ka ne­for­mal­ne srp­ske te­ri­to­ri­jal­ne auto­no­mi­je na Ko­so­vu – Za­jed­ni­cesrp­skihop­šti­naina­se­ljaKo­so­vaiMe­to­hi­jeod 2003. go­di­ne. Po­se­ban ak­ce­nat u ovoj ana­li­zi sta­vljen je na ustav­no re­gu­li­sa­nje sta­tu­sa et­nič­kih za­jed­ni­ca na Ko­so­vu, kao i na nji­ho­vu za­ga­ran­to­va­nu za­stu­plje­nost u po­li­tič­kim in­sti­tu­ci­ja­ma i or­ga­ni­ma jav­ne upra­ve. Me­đu­tim, auto­ri za­klju­ču­ju da je Ko­so­vo u skla­du sa Usta­vom iz 2008. go­di­ne i po­red broj­nih gra­đan­skih pro­kla­ma­ci­ja za­pra­vo de­fi­ni­sa­no kao et­no­na­ci­o­nal­na „dr­ža­va“ Al­ba­na­ca.

Ključ­ne re­či: Ko­so­vo, Sve­o­bu­hvat­ni pred­log za re­še­nje sta­tu­sa Ko­so­va, Ustav, me­đu­et­nič­ki od­no­si, Al­ban­ci, Sr­bi, Za­jed­ni­ca srp­skih op­šti­na i na­se­lja Ko­so­va i Me­to­hi­je, Ro­mi, Bo­šnja­ci, Go­ran­ci, Tur­ci. 

Jelena Po­no­mar­jo­va

Fond za stra­te­šku kulturu

Moskva

Kva­zi­dr­žav­nost kao in­stru­ment he­ge­mo­ni­je: slu­čaj Kosovo 

Sa­že­tak:Ovaj rad raz­ma­tra ko­re­ne ko­sov­skog pro­ble­ma, po­la­ze­ći od Ber­lin­skog kon­gre­sa 1878. go­di­ne, i po­ja­vu kva­zi­dr­žav­no­sti po­ve­zu­je sa ši­re­njem glo­bal­nog upra­vlja­nja. U si­tu­a­ci­ji ka­da se za­o­štra­va svet­ska kon­ku­ren­ci­ja po pi­ta­nju mi­ne­ral­nih re­sur­sa, te­žnja za us­po­sta­vlja­njem re­ži­ma spo­lja­šnjeg upra­vlja­nja na Ko­so­vu ve­o­ma je lo­gič­na. Vo­de­ćim za­pad­nim dr­ža­va­ma ni­je od­go­va­ra­la op­ci­ja oču­va­nja Ko­so­va pod ju­ris­dik­ci­jom Be­o­gra­da sa pri­hva­ta­njem Sr­bi­je u „ve­li­ku Evro­pu“, već je ku­di­ka­mo bo­lje re­še­nje „in­ter­na­ci­o­na­li­za­ci­ja“ srp­skih re­sur­sa. Na­i­me, na­kon ras­pa­da bi­po­lar­nog sve­ta upra­vo ova va­ri­jan­ta mo­guć­no­sti do­bi­ja­nja pri­stu­pa si­ro­vi­na­ma po­sta­la je ja­ko po­pu­lar­na me­đu ze­mlja­ma-he­ge­mo­ni­ma. U tom smi­slu, Ko­so­vo ne pred­sta­vlja „je­din­stven slu­čaj“, već je sa­mo je­dan od ja­snih pri­me­ra stva­ra­nja ve­štač­kih te­ri­to­ri­jal­no-po­li­tič­kih su­bje­ka­ta sa „pro­ble­ma­tič­nom“ dr­žav­no­šću.

Ključ­ne re­či: kva­zi­dr­žav­nost, glo­bal­no upra­vlja­nje, Ko­so­vo, ne­za­vi­snost.

Dra­go­mir An­đel­ko­vić

No­va srp­ska po­li­tič­ka mi­sao

Be­o­grad

KO­SO­VO KAO OGLE­DA­LO EVROP­SKOG IDEN­TI­TE­TA SR­BA 

Sa­že­tak:Ovaj rad je usred­sre­đen na or­gan­sku ve­zu iz­me­đu evrop­skog iden­ti­te­ta Sr­ba i po­li­ti­ke ak­tiv­ne za­šti­te te­ri­to­ri­jal­nog in­te­gri­te­ta Sr­bi­je. Evrop­ske in­te­gra­ci­je su pro­i­za­šle iz in­te­re­sa Fran­cu­ske, Ne­mač­ke i dru­gih ze­ma­lja EU, a ni­su re­zul­tat emo­ci­ja. Uspon Za­pa­da bio je ute­me­ljen na prag­ma­ti­zmu i te­žnji ka ve­ćoj mo­ći, a ne na al­tru­i­zmu. La­tin­ska reč iden­ti­tas, iz ko­je je iz­ve­den ter­min iden­ti­tet, zna­či „isto­vet­nost“. Otu­da sprem­nost da se is­traj­no bra­ne vi­tal­ni na­ci­o­nal­ni in­te­re­si pred­sta­vlja pra­vi test evrop­skog iden­ti­te­ta Sr­ba. Sva­ka dr­ža­va u sa­sta­vu EU to či­ni, čak i u ve­zi sa pi­ta­nji­ma ko­ja ni­su ta­ko va­žna kao što je te­ri­to­ri­jal­ni in­te­gri­tet ze­mlje. Re­ći „Ko­so­vo je Sr­bi­ja“, i bi­ti spre­man da se u pri­log to­me du­go­roč­no ra­di, ujed­no zna­či i da su Sr­bi Evro­plja­ni na isti na­čin kao što su to En­gle­zi, Fran­cu­zi ili Nem­ci.

Ključ­ne re­či: iden­ti­tet, na­ci­o­nal­ni in­te­res, te­ri­to­ri­jal­ni in­te­gri­tet, prag­ma­ti­zam, do­sled­nost, na­pre­dak, Evro­pa, Sr­bi, Ko­so­vo.

Vla­dan Ku­tle­šić

Me­ga­trend uni­ver­zi­tet

Be­o­grad

VE­NE­CI­JAN­SKA KO­MI­SI­JA O USTA­VU SR­BI­JE 

Sa­že­tak: Ve­ne­ci­jan­ska ko­mi­si­ja osno­va­na je 1990. go­di­ne kao sa­ve­to­dav­no te­lo za ustav­na pi­ta­nja Sa­ve­ta Evro­pe i pre­ma tvrd­nji nje­nih čla­no­va po­sta­la je me­đu­na­rod­no pri­zna­ti ne­za­vi­sni prav­ni sa­ve­to­da­vac ko­ji pru­ža ustav­no­prav­nu pr­vu po­moć po­je­di­nač­nim dr­ža­va­ma. Pre ne­go što kri­tič­ki raz­mo­tri sa­dr­ži­nu Mi­šlje­nja Ko­mi­si­je o Usta­vu Sr­bi­je tre­ba usta­no­vi­ti od ko­ga, ka­kva i ko­me se nu­di pr­va po­moć, a na­ro­či­to da li je ta pr­va po­moć struč­na i ne­za­vi­sna. Na­kon raz­ma­tra­nja Mi­šlje­nja Ko­mi­si­je o Usta­vu Sr­bi­je za­klju­ču­je se da je ono du­bo­ko i te­ško op­te­re­će­no po­li­tič­kim pre­fe­ren­ci­ja­ma, da je nje­gov struč­ni zna­čaj, sem ma­njeg bro­ja iz­ri­či­to na­zna­če­nih iz­u­ze­ta­ka, ma­li, a po­ne­kad i tri­vi­ja­lan i da Ustav Sr­bi­je za­slu­žu­je ozbilj­ni­ju i struč­ni­ju oce­nu i kri­ti­ku od one ko­ju je iz­ne­la Ve­ne­ci­jan­ska ko­mi­si­ja.

Ključ­ne re­či: Ve­ne­ci­jan­ska ko­mi­si­ja, Ustav Sr­bi­je, prav­na po­moć, prav­na ana­li­za.

Na­da Ra­du­ški

In­sti­tut dru­štve­nih na­u­ka

Be­o­grad

REŠAVANjE MANjINSKOG PITANjA U RAZ­VI­JENIM EVROP­SKIM DR­ŽA­VA­MA – OLAND­SKA OSTR­VA KAO UZOR 

Sa­že­tak: Za­šti­ta ma­nji­na pred­sta­vlja jed­no od ključ­nih po­li­tič­kih pi­ta­nja, bu­du­ći da na­ci­o­nal­ne ma­nji­ne mo­gu bi­ti ka­ko fak­tor una­pre­đe­nja me­đu­su­sed­skih od­no­sa, ta­ko i stal­ni „ka­men spo­ti­ca­nja“. Po­lo­žaj i za­šti­ta ma­nji­na su do­bar po­ka­za­telj efi­ka­sno­sti ma­njin­ske po­li­ti­ke, po­li­ti­ke mul­ti­kul­tu­ral­no­sti, ste­pe­na de­mo­kra­ti­za­ci­je i po­li­tič­ke sta­bil­no­sti sva­ke dr­ža­ve. Et­nič­ki kon­flik­ti i ma­njin­ski pro­ble­mi na­šli su plod­no tlo na pod­ruč­ju Bal­ka­na, ali ni­su ne­po­zna­ti ni u raz­vi­je­nim de­mo­krat­skim dr­ža­va­ma. Po­zi­tiv­na is­ku­stva ne­kih od raz­vi­je­nih evrop­skih ze­ma­lja mo­gu pred­sta­vlja­ti pu­to­kaz ka re­ša­va­nju ma­njin­skih pro­ble­ma u dru­gim dr­ža­va­ma. Iz tog raz­lo­ga po­seb­nu pa­žnju po­sve­ti­će­mo ana­li­zi ve­ćin­sko-ma­njin­skih od­no­sa u Fin­skoj, ko­ja je pi­ta­nje po­lo­ža­ja i za­šti­te šved­ske na­ci­o­nal­ne ma­nji­ne na Oland­skim ostr­vi­ma re­ši­la na iz­u­zet­no efi­ka­san i uspe­šan na­čin.

Ključ­ne re­či: et­nič­ki kon­flik­ti, na­ci­o­nal­ne ma­nji­ne, Fin­ska, auto­no­mi­ja, Oland­ska ostr­va.

Lor­na Štr­bac

NSPM

Beograd

Kul­tur­na glo­ba­li­za­ci­ja 

Sa­že­tak: U ra­du se ana­li­zira pojam kul­tur­ne glo­ba­li­za­ci­je. Uka­zu­je se na fe­no­men re­ak­tu­e­li­za­ci­je poj­ma kul­tu­re u so­ci­o­lo­gi­ji, i is­ti­ču fak­to­ri ko­ji su do­pri­ne­li toj re­ak­tu­e­li­za­ci­ji. Te­o­rij­ska re­ak­tu­e­li­za­ci­ja poj­ma kul­tu­re je kom­pa­ti­bil­na pro­me­na­ma u sa­moj stvar­no­sti ko­je su pro­is­te­kle iz kul­tur­ne glo­ba­li­za­ci­je. Kul­tur­na glo­ba­li­za­ci­ja ima raz­li­či­te aspek­te i kon­tra­dik­ci­je, mo­že se shva­ti­ti ne sa­mo kao ve­ster­ni­za­ci­ja, ne­go i kao pro­ces ko­ji ugro­ža­va i za­pad­nu kul­tu­ru. Po­me­nu­ta je ulo­ga glo­bal­nih me­di­ja u kul­tur­noj glo­ba­li­za­ci­ji. Na kra­ju je sta­vljen ak­ce­nat na kul­tur­ni neo­li­be­ra­li­zam ko­ji za­jed­no sa po­li­tič­kim i eko­nom­skim neo­li­be­ra­li­zmom stva­ra kon­zi­sten­tan ide­o­lo­ški pro­je­kat le­gi­ti­ma­ci­je glo­bal­nih pro­me­na.

Ključ­ne re­či: kul­tu­ra, kul­tur­na glo­ba­li­za­ci­ja, glo­bal­ni me­di­ji, kul­tur­ni neo­li­be­ra­li­zam.

Zoran Krstić

Fakultet političkih nauka

Univerzitet u Beogradu

GLO­BA­LI­ZA­CI­JA I DE­SU­VE­RE­NI­ZA­CI­JA 

Sa­že­tak: Kla­sič­no od­re­đe­nje dr­ža­ve ob­u­hva­ta tri ele­men­ta: te­ri­to­ri­ju, sta­nov­ni­štvo i su­ve­re­nu vlast. U užem, tzv. kla­snom ve­be­rov­skom smi­slu dr­ža­va je or­ga­ni­za­ci­ja vla­da­ju­će kla­se ko­ja ras­po­la­že mo­no­po­lom le­gi­tim­ne fi­zič­ke pri­nu­de. U užem, or­ga­ni­za­ci­o­nom smi­slu dr­ža­va pred­sta­vlja or­ga­ni­za­ci­ju po­li­tič­kih ak­te­ra: po­li­tič­kih par­ti­ja, in­te­re­snih gru­pa, gru­pa za pri­ti­sak, po­li­tič­kih po­kre­ta, ne­vla­di­nih or­ga­ni­za­ci­ja, po­je­di­na­ca kao bi­ra­ča itd. U naj­u­žem funk­ci­o­nal­no-in­sti­tu­ci­o­nal­nom smi­slu, dr­ža­va je or­ga­ni­za­ci­ja po­li­tič­ke vla­sti: iz­vr­šne, za­ko­no­dav­ne i sud­ske vla­sti. No­vo do­ba ko­je je po­če­lo sa pro­ce­som glo­ba­li­za­ci­je ra­di­kal­no je iz­me­ni­lo po­me­nu­tu sli­ku dr­ža­ve. Ume­sto dr­ža­ve kao su­ve­re­ne vla­sti do­bi­li smo dr­ža­vu sa bit­no ogra­ni­če­nom vla­šću. Ta­las glo­ba­li­za­ci­je je do­veo do pro­me­ne sta­tu­sa i ulo­ge na­ci­o­nal­nih dr­ža­va u pro­ce­su for­mi­ra­nja sa­vre­me­nog glo­bal­nog si­ste­ma, tj. za­di­ra­nja „su­pra­na­ci­o­nal­nih“ or­ga­ni­za­ci­ja, po­put MMF-a, Svet­ske ban­ke i Evrop­ske uni­je, u unu­tra­šnje stva­ri su­ve­re­nih dr­ža­va. Po­sle­di­ca to­ga je­ste re­duk­ci­ja na­ci­o­nal­nog su­ve­re­ni­te­ta.

Ključ­ne re­či: glo­ba­li­za­ci­ja, su­ve­re­ni­za­ci­ja, de­mo­kra­ti­za­ci­ja, na­ci­o­nal­na dr­ža­va, po­li­tič­ki si­stem, par­ti­je, vla­di­ne i ne­vla­di­ne or­ga­ni­za­ci­je, Evrop­ska uni­ja, Uje­di­nje­ne na­ci­je.

De­jan Vuk Stan­ko­vić

Učiteljski fakultet

Beograd

Po­pe­ro­va i Ha­je­ko­va kri­tič­ka re­vi­zi­ja ko­lek­ti­vi­zma

Sa­že­tak: Autor ana­li­zi­ra osnov­ne pret­po­stav­ke i glav­ne sta­vo­ve Fri­dri­ha Av­gu­sta fon Ha­je­ka i Kar­la Raj­mun­da Po­pe­ra, dvo­ji­ce dva­de­se­to­ve­kov­nih kri­ti­ča­ra ko­lek­ti­vi­stič­kih ide­o­lo­gi­ja i na­uč­no-fi­lo­zof­skih te­o­ri­ja ko­je pred­sta­vlja­ju nji­hov in­te­lek­tu­al­ni bek­gra­und. Po­sma­tra­na u svom te­mat­skom kon­tek­stu, Po­per-Ha­je­ko­va kri­tič­ka ana­li­za ko­lek­ti­vi­zma je sve­o­bu­hvat­na i ra­di­kal­na. Ona ob­u­hva­ta obla­sti eti­ke, po­li­ti­ke, eko­no­mi­je, epi­ste­mo­lo­ško-me­to­do­lo­ških raz­ma­tra­nja. Kao i u slu­ča­ju svih so­cio-po­li­tič­ki sen­zi­tiv­nih uče­nja, i Po­per i Ha­jek su svo­ja te­o­rij­ska shva­ta­nja za­sno­va­li i usa­vr­ša­va­li pod zna­čaj­nim uti­ca­jem isto­rij­skih do­ga­đa­ja ko­ji su obe­le­ži­li 20. vek. Ipak, iako su te­o­rij­sko-na­uč­na shva­ta­nja ove dvo­ji­ce fi­lo­zo­fa pod zna­čaj­nim uti­ca­jem so­cio-isto­rij­skih do­ga­đa­ja, ona se ne mo­gu is­klju­či­vo sve­sti na njih. U sklo­pu nji­ho­vih uče­nja raz­vi­je­na je pla­u­za­bil­na poj­mov­na apa­ra­tu­ra ko­ja sve­do­či o zna­čaj­nom ni­vou nji­ho­vog objek­tiv­no-ra­ci­o­nal­nog sa­dr­ža­ja ne­svo­di­vog na van­te­o­rij­ske fak­to­re nji­ho­ve in­ter­pre­ta­ci­je. Bez ob­zi­ra na mno­ge pla­u­za­bil­ne pri­go­vo­re, kon­cep­tu­al­ni okvir ovih te­o­ri­ja tvo­ri nji­ho­vu in­for­ma­tiv­nu vred­nost. In­for­ma­tiv­na vred­nost oči­tu­je se u dvo­stru­kom smi­slu: 1) stva­ra­nje pla­u­za­bil­ne eks­pla­na­tor­ne osno­ve za raz­u­me­va­nje kra­ha so­ci­ja­li­stič­kih po­li­tič­ko-eko­nom­skih po­re­da­ka i 2) ob­ja­šnje­nje kom­pa­ra­tiv­nih pred­no­sti li­be­ral­ne de­mo­kra­ti­je i ka­pi­ta­li­stič­kog mo­de­la eko­no­mi­je u od­no­su na nji­ho­vu so­ci­ja­li­stič­ku po­li­tič­ko-eko­nom­sku al­ter­na­ti­vu.

Ključ­ne re­či: Fri­drih fon Ha­jek, Karl Po­per, eti­ka, po­li­ti­ka, eko­no­mi­ja, so­ci­ja­li­stič­ki po­li­tič­ko-eko­nom­ski po­re­dak, li­be­ral­na de­mo­kra­ti­ja, ka­pi­ta­li­stič­ki mo­del eko­no­mi­je.

Alek­san­dar Pa­na­rin

HRI­ŠĆAN­SKI FUN­DA­MEN­TA­LI­ZAM PRO­TIV „TR­ŽI­ŠNOG TE­RO­RI­ZMA“* 

Sa­že­tak:Sa­vre­me­no dru­štvo otvo­re­no se ra­za­ra (ru­sko br­že od dru­gih). I ra­za­ra ga nje­gov no­vi „ile­gal­ni čo­vek“, ko­ji je neo­če­ki­va­no opu­no­mo­ćen da stva­ra „tr­ži­šne re­for­me“. Ka­ko je neo­bič­no da se u Ru­si­ji du­bo­ka ile­ga­la do­ko­pa­va vla­sti već dva pu­ta u to­ku jed­nog ve­ka. Na po­čet­ku 20. ve­ka to je bi­lo po­li­tič­ko pod­ze­mlje re­vo­lu­ci­je, ko­je je, kao re­zul­tat Ok­to­bar­skog pre­vra­ta, usta­no­vi­lo svo­ju dik­ta­tu­ru. Na kra­ju 20. ve­ka na vlast je do­šlo „eko­nom­sko pod­ze­mlje“ taj­nih bur­žu­ja, ko­ji su du­go no­si­li ma­sku par­tij­ske no­men­kla­tu­re i ko­nač­no od­lu­či­li da zba­ce ja­ram par­tij­sko-ide­o­lo­ških oba­ve­za sa se­be, i za­poč­nu sa „istin­skim ži­vo­tom“. Ali, kao i sva­ko pod­ze­mlje, oni se, kao i obič­no, bo­je istin­ske, prin­ci­pi­jel­ne i ne­pod­mi­tlji­ve vla­sti. Ide­je ta­kve vla­sti iz­gle­da­ju im kao „fun­da­men­ta­li­stič­ke“ i za­to je bor­ba sa fun­da­men­ta­li­zmom, tj. sa sve­šću, ko­ja je ozbilj­no usme­re­na na vi­še, ne­pro­la­zne vred­no­sti, da­nas pro­gla­še­na za in­ter­na­ci­o­nal­nu du­žnost li­be­ral­nih glo­ba­li­sta. Nji­hov kre­do je tr­ži­šte kao sa­mo­do­vo­ljan si­stem, bez po­tre­ba za in­ter­ven­ci­jom dr­ža­ve, ni­ti za me­ša­njem in­stan­ci­ja ko­je ova­plo­ću­ju vi­šu, mo­ral­no-re­li­gi­o­znu ide­ju.

CONTENTS

New Edition, vol. XVI (2008), no. 1–2

TOPIC OF THE ISSUE: KOSOVO AND SERBIA’S EUROPEAN IDENTITY

Radmila Nakarada

European Response to a European Problem ............................................7

Bogdana Koljević

Kosovo and The European Union – Identity and Democracy Issues ......................19

Slobodan Samardžić

Sovereignty – Determination – Secession ............................................33

Goran Nikolić

Albanian Population Boom in Kosovo after Second World War ......................51

Slobodan Miladinović

Kosovo Status Negotiations – A Serbian Point of View ......................67

Ivona Lađevac and Dragan Đukanović

Kosovo – Between Proclaimed Multiethnicity and Ethnic Division in Reality ......................93

Elena Ponomareva

Quasi-statehood as an Instrument of Hegemony: The Case of Kosovo ......................105

Dragomir Anđelković

Kosovo, the Test of the European Identity of the Serbs ......................121

Studies

Vladan Kutlešić

Venice Commission on The Constitution of Serbia ............................................137

Nada Raduški

Solving of Minority Issues in Developed European States

– Aland Island as a Paradigm ......................153

Lorna Štrbac

Cultural Globalization ............................................167

Zoran Krstić

Globalization and Desovereignization ............................................189

Dejan Vuk Stanković

Popper’s and Hayek’s Critical Revisions of Collectivism ......................207

Translation

Aleksandar Panarin

Christian Fundamentalism against “Market Terrorism” ......................227

Rewiews

Dejan Petrović

Partnership instead of Enmity

(John Lloyd: Šta mediji rade našoj politici) ......................249

Dobrica Gajić

Balkans in 21st Century

(Anđelo Tambora: Kavur i Balkan) ............................................253

Nebojša Vuković

The Future Path of Russia

(Юriй Nikolaevič Golubčikov, Vladimir Fedorovič Nesterenko:

Buduщee Rossii.) ......................265

Mario Brudar

Futile Engagedment

(Branislav Krstić: Amputirano Kosovo – odbrana Miloševića

koja traje) ......................272

Milica Vesković

From Myth to Identity

(Pjotr Kuncevič: Legenda Evrope) ............................................275

Slaviša Orlović

From Individual to Collective Freedom

(Vojislav Stanovčić: Politička teorija) ............................................279

Contents ..................................................................287

SUMMARIES

Radmila Nakarada

EUROPAN RESPONSE TO A EUROPAN PROBLEM

Summary

This paper starts with the hypothesis that the attitude of EU toward the disintegration of Yugoslavia, and particularly to the Kosovo intricacies, suspended the principles on which it was founded and those it promoted. In that way it undermined peace consensus and the consensus that state borders should not be changed in a violent way, by which it contributed to disturbing the rule of law, rehabilitation of the use of force and spreading chaos and confusion. The author finds that EU resorted to use of non-European responses because of its hegemonic aspirations and because it found it necessary to discipline and pacify Serbia. At the end of the paper the author mentions the contradictions of realism which does not fully develop the consequences of its pragmatism.

Key words: EU, Serbia, Kosovo, International Law, peace consensus, realism, illusions, force.

Bogdana Koljević

KOSOVO AND THE EUROPEAN UNION – IDENTITY AND DEMOCRACY ISSUES

Summary

The article begins with a review of the relation between national and supranational identity patterns in modern political theory and practice. The author argues that the idea of a “world state“, contrary to the original plan and along with the idea of the universal model of liberal western democracy actually served to promote American national interest. In the previous decade the implementation of the US political project was a synthesis of neopragmatism, postmodernism and crypto-Schmittianism, and lack of a clear and consistent ideological profile is one of the main reasons for its failure and of discrediting the ideas of democracy and pluralism, which was a side-effect. On the other hand, the EU project, belonging to the first transnational union in history, notionally and practically allowed the possibility of forming a political community with different identity pattern, but lack of conceptual framework and agreement about key principles has lead to the growing impression that forming a European identity is not realistic, regardless of whether we are dealing with its legal or normative components. The context in which strategic convergence of the US and EU permanently expands and it jeopardized both the political subjectivity of the EU, the European idea of democracy and structure of international relations in general. An arbitrary attitude toward the question of national identity and international law has created a dilemma about Serbia’s choice between Kosovo and EU, by which EU indirectly indirectly sided with the constitution of an arbitrary “society of democracies“, which is a product of liberal interventionism.

Key words: national identity, democracy, transnational identity, Kosovo, EU, USA, liberal interventionism.

Slobodan Samardžić

SOVEREIGNTY – SELF-DETERMINATION – SECESSION

Summary

The starting point of this article is that in recent years Kosovo proved to be a good testing ground for checking the capability of the international community, readiness of both Serbs and Albanians to make compromise and the values underlying the modern political order, especially the one established in Europe. In that sense, the author analyzes the notion of “precedent”, distinguishing the negative meaning of precedent in international relations and its positive meaning, which refers to a possible way of settling internal relations. The argument that the “precedent character” of the Kosovo issue should in no way be interpreted as “precedent” in its primary sense is given through an analysis of the Kosovo case as a classic example of secession, i.e. through the political/legal fact that the dispute between the Serbs and Albanians is a conflict between sovereignty and secession. Starting with the fact that there is a conflict between the right of a state to claim its sovereignty and the right of an ethnic community to self-determination, in the other part of the paper the author elaborates on the legal-normative and the theory-based approaches. He concludes that in both senses the question of secession faces both formal and material difficulties and that the consequences of Kosovo’s secession, as a “precedent” in its negative meaning, will permanently have a conflicting character and an impact on the future and stability of the Balkans.

Key words: sovereignty, secession, unique case, self-determination, legal-normative approach, theory-based approach, stability.

Goran Nikolić

ALBANIAN POPULATION BOOM IN KOSOVO AFTER SECOND WORLD WAR

Summary

Albanian population growth in Kosovo-Metohija after the Second World War is a result of demographic processes which took place among them in this period (increased difference between death and birth rates). Economic, health, education and welfare policy measures and better standard of living resulted in much lower death rate (among infants and adults), whereas birth rate remained the same or decreased slightly. Because of its structure, the economy could not deal with surplus labor and thus create an economic basis for Albanian women to emancipate. A stout patriarchal system in which Kosovo-Metohia Albanians lived strongly opposed to family planning. Morality, prejudice and ignorance also played a part in it. The communist regime, with its nature (collectivism) and policies of making deals and inclusion of patriarchal leaders contributed to sustaining the patriarchal system.

Key words: Albanian population, Kosovo and Metohia, death and birth rates, patriarchal system.

Slobodan Miladinović

KOSOVO STATUS NEGOTIATIONS – A SERBIAN POINT OF VIEW

Summary

Results of empirical research point to the fact that among Serbian citizens there is a dominant modal attitude, shared by more than half of the subjects, that the fairest outcome of Kosovo negotiations should be an (extended) autonomy within Serbia. On the other hand, many subjects think that the negotiations will end in Kosovo’s independence. We have ascertained that the axiological moment is of crucial importance for taking an attitude toward the fair outcome and that rational moments are not sufficiently taken into account. The fact that the majority of subjects would strongly oppose to possibility that Serbia’s accelerated accession to the EU might depend on granting autonomy to Kosovo-Metohija (by Serbia). The text analyzes the impact of partisan, political and ideological determinism on attitudes toward the Kosovo crisis and our conclusion is that there are two groups of voters and supporters of leading parliamentary parties which can be described as hardliners (DSS, SRS and SPS) and softliners (LDP, G 17+ and DS) when it comes to attitudes toward the outcome of the Kosovo status negotiations; LDP voters can be described as ultra-softliners. At the end of the paper there is a section about sociological and historical contexts of the Kosovo crisis and how it could be solved, and the most realistic and historically productive way would be to form a long-term protectorate of the United Nations.

Key words: partisan, political and ideological determinism, ethnic conflict, secessionism, value-awareness.

Ivona Lađevac and Dragan Đukanović

KOSOVO BETWEEN PROCLAIMED MULTIETHNICITY AND ETHNIC DIVISION IN REALITY

Summary

The authors of this paper analyze ethnic relations in Kosovo since February 17th 2008. when this entity unilaterally proclaimed its independence. In this connection they focus on dramatic changes in ethnic structure in the period between 1981 and 2008 and on the evolution of informal Serbian territorial autonomy in Kosovo – the Association of Serbian Municipalities and Communities in Kosovo-Metohija, established in 2003. This analysis places a special emphasis on constitutional regulation of ethnic community status in Kosovo and their guaranteed presence in political institutions and public administration. However, the authors conclude that in spite of many citizen-oriented proclamations Kosovo is actually defined as an ethnic and national state of Albanians in its 2008 Constitution.

Key words: Kosovo, the Comprehensive Proposal for Kosovo Status Settlement, Constitution, ethnic relations, Albanians, Serbs, the Association of Serbian Municipalities and Communities in Kosovo-Metohija, Romanies, Bosnians, Goranis, Turks.

Elena Ponomareva

QUASI-STATEHOOD AS AN INSTRUMENT OF HEGEMONY: THE CASE OF KOSOVO

Summary

This paper analyzes the roots of the Kosovo issue, starting with the Berlin Congress (1878), and it links the phenomenon of quasi-stetehood with the spread of global management. In the situation when the mineral resources competition is becoming tense, it is quite logical that there is a tendency to start a regime of foreign rule in Kosovo. Major Western countries did not find it convenient to leave Kosovo under Belgrade’s jurisdiction along with the acceptance of Serbia in “Great Europe”. They instead decided to “internationalize” Serbian resources. After the disintegration of the bipolar world, this option for gaining access to raw materials became very popular among hegemons. In that sense Kosovo is not a “unique case”, but just one of clear examples of creating artificial territorial and political subjects whose statehood is “problematic.”

Key words: quasi-statehood, global management, Kosovo, independence.

Dragomir Anđelković

KOSOVO, THE TEST OF THE EUROPEAN IDENTITY OF THE SERBS

Summary

This paper is focused on the organic connection between the European identity of the Serbs and the policy of active protection of the territorial integrity of Serbia. European integrations emerged from the interests of France, Germany and other countries of EU, not as a result of emotions. The rise of the West was based on the pragmatism and striving for power, not on altruism. The Latin world identitas, from which the modern term identity was derived, means „the same“. Therefore, the real test of the European identity of the Serbs is their readiness to protect their vital national interests persistently. Every EU nation does so, even regarding the issues which ar not as important as the territorial integrity of the country. Obviously, to say “Kosovo is Serbia”, and to be ready to insist on it in the long term, also means the Serbs are Europeans in the same way as the English, the French or the Germans.

Key words: identity, national interest, territorial integrity, pragmatism, consistency, progress, Europe, Serbs, Kosovo.

Vladan Kutlešić

VENICE COMMISSION ON THE CONSTITUTION OF SERBIA

Summary

The Venice Commission was founded in 1990 as advisory body for European Council’s constitutional issues and, according to its members, it became an internationally recognized independent legal advisory body which helps individual states in dealing with legal and constitutional issues. Before a critical analysis of the opinion of the Venice Commission about the Constitution of Serbia we should determine who offers primary aid, its nature and who it is offered to and ascertain whether that aid is professional and independent. After analyzing the Commission’s opinion about the Constitution of Serbia we concluded that it is heavily burdened with political preferences, that its professional significance, excluding a small number of explicitly stated exceptions, is small, sometimes even trivial and that the Constitution of Serbia deserves a more serious and professional evaluation than one given by the Venice Commission.

Key words: Venice Commission, Constitution of Serbia, legal assistance, legal analysis.

Nada Raduški

SOLVING OF MINORITy ISSUES IN DEVELOPED EUROPEaN states – ALAND ISLAND AS A PARADIGM

Summary

Protection of minorities represents one of the key political questions having in mind that national minorities could be a factor of promoting relations between neighboring countries, as well as a constant „stumbling block“. The position and protection of minorities are a good indicator of the efficiency of multicultural politics, degree of democratization and political stability of every country. Ethnic conflicts and minority problems have found suitable grounds in the Balkan region, although they are not uncommon in developed democratic countries as well. The positive experience of some of those countries may give an example on how to solve the minority problems in other countries. For that reason we will pay special attention to the analysis of the majority-minority relationships in Finland, which has solved the minority matter in an efficient and successful way in the region of Aland islands.

Key words: ethnic conflicts, national minorities, Finland, autonomy, Aland islands.

Lorna Štrbac

CULTURAL GLOBALIZATION

Summary

The aim of this paper is to analyze cultural globalization. The author points to the phenomenon of reactualization of the concept of culture in sociology and emphasizes the factors which contributed to it. Theoretical reactualization of the concept of culture is compatible with the changes in the reality brought about by cultural globalization. Cultural globalization has different aspects and contradictions, it can be understood not only as westernization, but also as a process which puts Western culture into danger as well. The author mentions the role of global media in cultural globalization. At the end of the paper the author highlighted cultural neoliberalism which, along with political and economic neoliberalism, forms a consistent ideological project of legitim­ization of global changes.

Key words: culture, cultural globalization, global media, cultural neo­liberalism.

Zoran Krstić

GLOBALIZATION AND DESOVEREIGNIZATION

Summary

The classic definition of the state comprises three elements: territory, population and sovereign authority. In a restricted, class-oriented Weberian sense, the state is the organization of the ruling class which claims a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force. In terms of its organization, the state is an organization of political actors, i.e. political parties, interest groups, pressure groups, political movements, non-governmental organizations, individual voters, etc. In the most restricted, functional and institutional sense, it is an organization of political power: executive, judiciary and legislative. The new age which started with the process of globalization radically changed the aforementioned image of the state. Instead of state as sovereign authority, what we have is a state whose authority is strictly limited. A wave of globalization brought about a change in status and a different role of nation states in the process of forming the contemporary global system, i.e. incursion of “supranational” organizations, such as IMF, World Bank and EU into internal affairs of sovereign states. The effect of this is reduction of national sovereignty.

Key words: globalization, sovereignization, democratization, nation state, political system, political parties, governmental and non-governmental organizations, European Union, United Nations.

Dejan Vuk Stanković

POPPER’S AND HAYEK’S CRITICAL REVISIONS OF COLLECTIVISM

Summary

The author analyzes basic hypotheses and crucial attitudes of Friedrich August von Hayek and Karl Raimund Popper, two twentieth-century critics of collectivist ideologies and scientific/philosophic theories which represent their ideological background. Just like in cases of all other sociopolitical sensitive theories, both Popper and Hayek founded and developed their theories under considerable impact of historic events which left their mark on the twentieth century. Their theoretical and scientific views cannot be simply reduced to social and historic events, although they were influenced by them. They developed a plausible conceptual framework which testifies that there is a considerable level of their objective and rational content which cannot be reduced to non-theoretic factors of their interpretation. Regardless of many plausible objections, the conceptual framework of these theories is the core of their informative value. There are two facets of their informative value: 1) making a plausible theoretical basis for understanding the collapse of socialist political/economic orders and 2) explanation of comparative advantages of liberal democracy and capitalist economy in relation to their socialist alternative.

Key words: Friedrich August von Hayek, Karl Popper, ethics, politics, economy, socialist political-economic order, liberal democracy, capitalist model of economy.

Aleksandar Panarin

CHRISTIAN FUNDAMENTALISM AGAINST “MARKET TERRORISM”

Summary

Modern society, Russian in particular, is being overtly destroyed. Its product, the new “illegal man”, who unexpectedly became authorized to introduce “market reforms” is the one who does it. The fact that the underground seized power in Russia twice in a hundred years is so bizarre. At the beginning of the 20th century it was the political underground of the Revolution which established its dictatorship in the aftermath of the October overthrow. At the end of the 20th century the “economic underground” of covert bourgeois came to power. They had long lived under the veil of party nomenclature and eventually decided to cast off the yoke of partisan and ideological duties and start living a “real life”. However, as is the case with the underground, they are normally afraid of truly principled and incorruptible authority. They consider the ideas of such an authority to be “fundamentalist”, and fight against fundamentalism, i.e. consciousness which is usually directed toward higher and lasting values, is nowadays a proclaimed international duty of liberal globalists. Their credo is the market as a self-sufficient system, which does not need state interventions or involvement of institutions which embody lofty, moral and religious ideas. We are now about to speak about how the market and religious (primarily Christian Orthodox) fundamentalism treat the values of progress and the outcome of the impending conflict between them.