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Broj 1-4/2002 Tema: Izbori |
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| petak, 08. februar 2002. | |
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Broj 1-4/2002 Tema: Izbori Sadržaj:
Milan Jovanović Političke posledice izborne reforme Aleksandra Sajc Izborni apstinenti protiv fasadne demokratije Milan Jovanović Izborne reforme - slučaj Srbija Mario Brudar Izbori na Kosovu 1990. - 2000. Dragana Antonijević Politički simboli u predizbornoj kampanji Vojislava Koštunice 2000. godine DŽeb I. Adams Srpska tranzicija kroz prizmu neuspešnih predsedničkih izbora 2002. - 2003. Đorđe Vukadinović Decembar 2003: Alternativno proleće srpske demokratije Antonić Slobodan Srbija među izborima: od skupštinskih izbora 2003. do predsedničkih izbora 2004. Branko Radun Kako je Srbija dobila prvog "postpolitičkog predsednika" Aleksandra Kostić Istraživanja Zoran Stokić Položaj interno raseljenih lica sa Kosova i Metohije Ogledi Bojan Dimitrijević Srbija između evropske demokratije i balkanskog sindroma Mile Savić Intelektualac i globalna politika Sučeljavanja Vladimir V. Vodinelić Povodom jedne (ne)moguće primene principa pravnog savladavanja prošlosti Osvrti Miodrag A. Jovanović Nestanak bivše Jugoslavije u svetlu međunarodnog javnog prava (Peter Radan, The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law) Branislav Milošević Demokratija za 21. vek (Fareed Zakaria: The Future of Freedom) Prikazi Zoran Konstantinović Proširenje Evropske zajednice na istok: dva suprotna mišljenja (Erhard Busek: Die Europäische Union auf dem njeg nach Osten, Hannes Hofbauer: Osternjeiterung. Vom Drang nach Osten zur peripheren EU-Integration) Slaviša Orlović Sistem protiv čoveka (Vojislav Stanovčić, Vlast i sloboda) Mićo Savić Samozaborav Evrope (Simo Elaković, Rasprave o Evropi i filozofiji - ka kritici običajnosnog uma) Danijela Zdravković Savremeni Balkan između prošlosti i budućnosti Marijana Martinović Globalizacija: za ili protiv? (David Held & Anthony McGrew (2002): Globalization / Anti-globalization) Dragan Petrović U vihoru globalizacije (Vreme globalizacije: zbornik, priredio Miloš Knežević) Suzana Ignjatović Kraj početka postsocijalističke transformacije u Srbiji (Srbija krajem milenijuma: razaranje društva, promene i svakodnevni život) Jovan Ćirić Kako izlečiti socijalnu rak-ranu (Slobodan Vuković, Korupcija i vladavina prava) Milan Jovanović POLITIČKE POSLEDICE IZBORNOG PRAVA Sažetak: Autor analizira izborne sisteme kao pravilo odlučivanja i pravilo predstavljanja, ukazujući na probleme klasifikacije različitih varijanti većinskog i proporcionalnog izbornog sistema. Izbornu jedinicu, izborni prag, način glasanja i formula transponovanja glasova u mandate - autor potencira kao elemente izbornog sistema koji imaju najveći uticaj na političke posledice izbornog sistema, na stranački sistem, parlament, vladu, itd. Interpretacijom izbornog determinizma Diveržea, Rea, Lijpharta, Sartorija i Nolena ukazuje se na teorijsku i empirijsku argumentaciju konsekvenci različitih izbornih sistema, njihovih prednosti i nedostataka. Jednostavnost, participacija, agregacija i efektivnost, reprezentacija i legitimitet - kriterijumi su vrednovanja očekivanih i realnih konsekvenci izbornog sistema kojima autor poredi različite vrste izbornih modela, ukazujući da su izborne reforme parcijalne, stranački motivisane, bez jasnih ciljeva, što često rezultira kombinovanjem protivrečnih elemenata koji proizvode suprotne efekte od željenih. Ključne reči: izborni sistemi, izborna jedinica, izborni prag, transponovanje glasova u mandate, političke posledice izbornog prava, izborne reforme Aleksandra Sajc Antonić IZBORNI APSTINENTI SU PROTIV FASADNE DEMOKRATIJE Sažetak: Tragajuci za realnijim pojmovno-metodskim okvirom za istraživanje izbornog ponašanja u post-komunističkim zemljama, u tekstu govorim pre svega o biračima u Srbiji, i devedesetim godinama minulog veka. Uočeni kontinuitet, kako u pogledu konceptualizacije glasa, tako i potiskivanja izbornih apstinenata u istraživanjima i literaturi, može da vodi do iskrivljene predstave o biračkom telu kao celini, pa i do pogrešnih procena njegove zrelosti za demokratiju. Stoga raste značaj šireg poimanja glasa (osim kao izraza podrške najboljoj stranci), i češćeg uključivanja apstinenata u analize (i kad nisu neposredni predmet istraživanja). Tada bi moglo da se realnije i preciznije izučava kako prošlo tako i, što je možda još značajnije, buduće ponašanje birača u Srbiji, pa i da se dublje razumeju rezultati izbora sa kraja 2003. godine. Pri tome, postojanost demokratije zavisiće neumitno ne samo od birača nego i od stranaka. Ključne reči: apstinenti, biračko telo kao celina, demokratija, stranke Milan Jovanović IZBORNE REFORME - SLUČAJ SRBIJA Sažetak: Srbija je u jednoj deceniji primenila gotovo sve najrasprostranjenije varijante izbornih sistema. Samo dva izborna ciklusa za centralno predstavnicko telo održana su po istom izbornom sistemu. Posledice izbornog prava po stranački sistem, funkcionisanje parlamenta i vladu nisu bile u skladu sa ocenjivanjima stranaka, a reforme izbornog sistema bile su okosnica stranačkih konflikata u poslednjoj deceniji. Nijedan izborni sistem nije ispunio više od dve funkcije od onih koje se od njega očekuju: jednostavnost, participaciju, agregaciju i efektivnost, reprezentaciju i legitimnost. Sve izborne reforme bile su pod snažnim pritiskom stranačkih interesa. Sada se, pored potrebe za celovitom reformom svih elemenata izbornog prava, pažnja fokusira samo na evidenciju birača, visinu izbornog praga i testiranje javnosti za prihvatanje neke varijante kombinovanog većinsko-proporcinalnog modela. Autor iznosi predloge za izradu evidencije birača; ukazuje na probleme koje po fragmentaciju stranačkog sistema može imati smanjivanje izbornog praga i iznosi predloge za smanjivanje "ucenjivačkog" potencijala malih stranaka; upozorava na posledice koje može proizvesti uvođenje rovovskog izbornog modela. Ključne reci: izborni sistem, političke posledice izbornog prava, izborna reforma, evidencija birača, izborni prag
Mario Brudar IZBORI NA KOSOVU 1990. - 2000. Sažetak: Izbori na Kosovu i Metohiji u ovom periodu imaju, smatra autor, četiri karakteristike: bojkot Albanaca, podrška srpskog stanovništva Miloševiću i socijalistima, partijska nezainteresovanost i neorganizovanost opozicije za Kosovo i izborna krađa socijalista. Navedene karakteristike omogućile su socijalistima da Kosovo i Metohija deset godina bude njihov rezervoar glasova iz koga su zahvatali prema potrebama i tako ostajali na vlasti. Autor u kratkim crtama, objašnjava razloge za svaku od karakteristika, a preko sažetih opisa i analize izbora od 1990. do 2000. godine ukazuje na primere izbornih krađa na Kosovu koje su svojim razmerama dovele u pitanje regularnost svih izbora održanih u Miloševićevoj Srbiji. Ključne reči: izbori, socijalisti, krađa, manipulacija, Milošević, Srbi, opozicija
Dragana Antonijević POLITIČKI SIMBOLI U PREDIZBORNOJ KAMPANjI VOJISLAVA KOŠTUNICE Sažetak: U ovom radu razmotriće se uloga i značenje nekih simboličkih i tradicijskih elementa koji su bili prisutni u govoru i ponašanju g. Vojislava Koštunice tokom predizborne kampanje, na jesen 2000. godine. Politički simboli proisticali su iz najmanje dve ravni: iz odabranog korpusa istorijske, narodne i demokratske tradicije srpskog društva, zapostavljene tokom druge polovine 20. veka i na čiju je obnovu pozivao g. Koštunica; i s druge strane, na dimenziju transcedentnog kao oslonca u uspostavljanju legitimiteta vlasti. Ključne reči: predizborna kampanja, politički legitimitet, politički ritual, politički simboli, istorijska, nacionalna i demokratska tradicija, transcedentna referencija u političkom cinu DŽeb I. Adams SRPSKA TRANZICIJA KROZ PRIZMU PREDSEDNIČKIH IZBORA 2002. - 2003. Sažetak: Cilj ovog rada je da razmotri razloge zbog kojih Srbija u više navrata nije uspela da izabere predsednika, a zatim i da pokuša da proceni da li ta nemogunost, kao što se to na Zapadu ocenjuje, nužno vodi u demokratsku stagnaciju. U prvom delu bavimo se političkim nasleđem Srbije, nastojeći da ustanovimo ima li Srbija demokratsku tradiciju. Drugi aspekt ovog rada tiče se srpske političke kulture. Stoga ćemo u ovom delu utvrditi da li savremenu srpsku političku kulturu odlikuje istorijom uslovljeni autoritarni konformizam, ili je pak krasi racionalnost u donošenju odluka. U poslednjem delu rada, fokus će biti pomeren na period raščaravanja (disenchantment/Entzauberung). Pojam raščaravanja najbolje se može opisati kao socijalni pad nakon prvobitne euforije - u ovom slučaju, nakon uklanjanja bivšeg predsednika Slobodana Miloševića i dolaska na vlast nove prodemokratske vlade - što je i osnovni razlog zbog kojeg srpsko biračko telo tokom 2002. - 2003. godine nije moglo da izabere predsednika. Ključne reči: izbori, tranzicija, politička kultura, raščaravanje Đorde Vukadinović Decembar 2003: Alternativno proleće srpske demokratije Sažetak: U ovom članku autor analizira rezultate parlamentarnih izbora iz decembra 2003. i okolnosti koje su dovele do formiranja vlade Vojislava Koštunice. Autorova je teza da je ishod decembarskih parlamentarnih izbora u suštini odlučen tokom serije neuspešnih predsedničkih izbora, zaključno sa onim novembarskim, na kojima je radikal Tomislav Nikolić porazio kandidata DOS-a, Dragoljuba Mićunovića. Takođe, konstatuje se da su ovi parlamentarni izbori bili prvi zaista slobodni, demokratski i fer izbori koje je Srbija imala, što je, uz okončanje vladavine DOS-a, i njihova najznačajnija, nezasluženo zanemarena karakteristika. Najzad, autor zakljucuje da je, uprkos relativno lošem izbornom rezultatu, kao i rasprostranjenoj neverici u pogledu njegovih liderskih sposobnosti, Vojislav Koštunica veoma efektno uspeo da razreši postizbornu političku krizu i tako za sebe i svoju stranku obezbedi novi politički početak. Ključne reči: Srbija, izbori, parlament, vlada, demokratski blok, DOS, SRS, DSS, Koštunica Slobodan Antonić SRBIJA MEĐU IZBORIMA: OD SKUPŠTINSKIH IZBORA 2003. DO PREDSEDNIČKIH IZBORA 2004. Sažetak: Rad objašnjava politički razvoj događaja u Srbiji između skupštinskih izbora 2003. i predsedničkih izbora 2004. godine. Dva ključna događaja u kojima se prepoznaje strateško ponašanje glavnih političkih aktera u Srbiji jesu: 1. obrazovanje koalicione vlade, nakon skupštinskih izbora 2003, i 2. stvaranje političkih koalicija uoči predsedničkih izbora 2004. Ponašanje aktera i birača objašnjava se postojanjem triju glavnih linija rascepa u političkom tlu Srbije. Dve dublje linije rascepa nazvane su "Đinđićevom linijom" (na levici) i "Miloševićevom linijom" (na desnici), dok je ona plića linija razdvajanja (u centru) nazvana "Koštuničinom osom". Opšti zaključak je da će ovi rasedi verovatno i ubuduće suštinski određivati ponašanje političkih aktera u Srbiji. Ključne reči: izborne koalicije, posleizborne koalicije, rascepi Branko Radun PREDSEDNIČKI IZBORI 2004. Kako je Srbija dobila prvog "postpolitičkog" predsednika Sažetak: U ovom tekstu razmatra se politički uspon i pobeda na predsedničkim izborima Borisa Tadića. Pretresaju se različiti aspekti njegove "formule uspeha": zadobijanje podrške moćnih i uticajnih, vešta predizborna strategija i pozitivna medijska slika u javnosti. Analizira se pojava Borisa Tadića kao novi trend na domacoj političkoj sceni, kao pobeda političkog marketinga, ali i kao ulazak postpolitike i postmoderne politike u Srbiju. Predmet analize je i odnos Tadićeve kampanje prema kampanjama političkih protivnika, kao i "istorijski" TV duel sa Tomislavom Nikolićem . Ključne reči: Boris Tadić, Demokratska stranka, strategija, marketing, postpolitika Aleksandra Kostić PREDSEDNIČKI IZBORI U SRBIJI 2004: JEDAN FENOMENOLOŠKI PRIKAZ Sažetak: Autor u prvom delu rada analizira neke aspekte predizbornog nastupa glavnih predsedničkih kandidata pre prvog izbornog kruga. U drugom delu se socio-politička situacija u Srbiji analizira preko paralelnog prikaza načina na koji su vodeći predsednički kandidati razumevali i predstavljali neke od ključnih političkih tema (Evropa, istorija, funkcija predsednika) tokom predizborne kampanje 2004. godine. Ključne reči: kandidati, Tadić, Nikolić, Maršićanin, Karić, predsednik, istorija, Evropa Zoran Stokić POLOŽAJ INTERNO RASELjENIH LICA SA KOSOVA I METOHIJE Sažetak: Padom starog, socijalističkog društvenog poretka u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori došlo je do napuštanja starog sistema socijalne zaštite, što je u uslovima dugotrajne ekonomske krize, praćene visokom stopom nezaposlenosti, imalo za posledicu to da je veliki deo stanovništva Srbije i Crne Gore ostao bez osnovnih sredstava za život i prinuđen da se oslanja na strategije preživljavanja. Nakon promene režima u Beogradu 2000. godine, nade ugroženog dela stanovništva da će putem ekonomskih reformi doći do značajnog poboljšanja njihovog materijalnog položaja u velikoj meri su izneverene. Kako je danas svima postalo jasno da je sprovođenje adekvatne socijalne politike preduslov uspešnog sprovođenja društvenih reformi, u ovom tekstu se na primeru položaja i statusa interno raseljenih lica sa Kosova i Metohije (kao najugroženijem sloju stanovništva Srbije i Crne Gore), pokušalo pokazati da, na netačnoj definiciji položaja u kome se nalaze ugroženi slojevi stanovništva, nije moguće planirati i sprovoditi adekvatnu socijalnu politiku. Ključne reči: interno raseljena lica, granica siromaštva, strategije preživljavanja, pravo na povratak, solidarnost Bojan Dimitrijević SRBIJA IZMEĐU EVROPSKE DEMOKRATIJE I BALKANSKOG SINDROMA Sažetak: Tri godine nakon obaranja Miloševićevog režima, Srbija se nalazi u opasnosti da ozbiljno oboli od "balkanskog sindroma". Njega odlikuju slaba demokratija i neuspele privredne reforme. U ovom radu opisuje se stanje u kome se nalaze privreda i društvo Srbije. Srbija je na ivici da upadne u začarani krug, u kome slabe institucije dovode do neuspeha reformi, a ove dovode do daljeg slabljenja institucija. Autor se zalaže za izlazak iz tog zatvorenog kruga, a on je moguć jedino raspisivanjem prevremenih izbora i postizanjem nacionalnog konsensusa o strateškim političkim i ekonomskim ciljevima. Taj konsenzus doveo bi do izgradnje čvrstih institucija demokratije, daljeg sprovođenja reformi privrede i punopravnog članstva u Evropskoj uniji. Ključne reči: tranzicija, reforme, makroekonomija Mile Savić INTELEKTUALAC I GLOBALNA POLITIKA O realnosti Gidensove kosmopolitske utopije u svetlu Blerovog "trezvenog pragmatizma" Sažetak: Osnovni predmet ovog rada jeste angažman intelektualca u politici, koji autor razmatra na primeru Gidensove uloge savetnika T. Blera. Autor rekonstruiše vezu između društvene teorije (Gidens) i realne politike (Bler) prvenstveno preko analize problema globalizacije. Angažman intelektualca u politici, smatra autor, ne razlikuje se od bilo čijeg drugog političkog angažmana, tako da se i politika intelektualnog diskursa uvek svodi na realnu politiku. Stoga ni Gidensov primer intelektualca-savetnika ne pokazuje u kojoj meri je politika potčinjena autonomnim saznajnim i moralnim imperativima, nego više to u kojoj meri su saznajna kompetencija i moralni nazori podvrgnuti imperativima realne politike. CONTENTS Introduction TOPIC OF THE ISSUE ELECTIONS Milan Jovanovic Political Ramifications of Electoral Legislation Aleksandra Sajc Election Abstainers Against a Façade Democracy Milan Jovanovic Electoral Reforms - the Case of Serbia Mario Brudar Elections in Kosovo 1990 - 2000 Dragana Antonijevic Political Symbols in Vojislav Kostunica's 2000 Election Campaign Jeb I. Adams Serbia's Transition Through the Prism of Unsuccessful Presidential Elections from 2002 to 2003. Djordje Vukadinovic DECEMBER 2003 - ONE ALTERNATIVE SPRING OF SERBIAN DEMOCRACY Slobodan Antonic Serbia - Awash with Elections: from the 2003 Parliamentary Elections to the 2004 Presidential Elections Branko Radun How Serbia Got its First "Post-Political" President Aleksandra Kostic 2004 Presidential Elections: a Phenomenological Review Research Zoran Stokic The Status of Internally Displaced People from Kosovo and Metohija Essays Bojan Dimitrijevic Serbia Between a European Democracy and the Balkan Syndrome Mile Savic The Intellectual and Global Politics Confrontation Vladimir V. Vodinelic In connection with a(n) im(possible) implementation of the principle of the legal grasping of the past Retrospection Miodrag A. Jovanovic The Disappearance of Former Yugoslavia in the Light of the International Law (Peter Radan, The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law) Branislav Milosevic Democracy for the 21st Century (Fareed Zakaria: The Future of Freedom) Reviews Zoran Konstantinovic European Union's Enlargement to the East: Two Conflicting Opinions (Erhard Busek: Die Europäische Union auf dem weg nach Osten, Hannes Hofbauer: Osterweiterung. Vom Drang nach Osten zur peripheren EU-Integration) Slavisa Orlovic The System vs. the Man (Vojislav Stanovcic, Power and Freedom) Mico Savic Europe's Oblivion (Simo Elakovic, Debates on Europe and Philosophy - towards the criticism of the traditional mind) Danijela Zdravkovic Modern Balkans Between the Past and the Future Marijana Martinovic Globalisation: For or Against? (David Held & Anthony McGrew (2002): Globalization / Anti-globalization) Dragan Petrovic The Winds of Globalisation (The Times of Globalisation: collection, produced by Milos Kne`evic) Suzana Ignjatovic The Beginning of the End of the Post-Socialist Transformation in Serbia (Serbia at the end of a millennium: destruction of the state, changes and everyday life) Jovan Ćiric How to Cure a Social Cancer (Slobodan Vukovic, Corruption and the Rule of Law) Milan Jovanovic POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION Summary: The author analyses electoral systems as a rule of decision-making and representation and points to the problems in classifying different kinds of majority and proportional electoral systems. The author emphasises the electoral unit, the threshold, the manner of voting and the formula for transposing votes into mandates as the elements of the electoral system which have the greatest political influence on the political consequences of the electoral system, party system, parliament, government, etc. Interpreting Duverge's, Rea's, Lijphart's, Sartori's and Nolen's electoral determinism, the author points to the theoretical and empirical argumentation of the consequences of different electoral systems, their advantages and shortcomings. Simplicity, participation, aggregation, effectiveness and legitimacy - are the criteria in evaluating the expected and real consequences of the electoral system that the author uses to compare different electoral models, emphasising that electoral reforms are partial, party-motivated, lacking clear aims, all of which results in a combination of contradictory elements that produce effects opposite to those desired. Key words: electoral systems, electoral unit, threshold, transposing votes into mandates, political ramifications of electoral legislation, electoral reforms Aleksandra Sajc Antonic NON-VOTERS ARE AGAINST FAÇADE-DEMOCRACY Contributions to understanding the elections in Serbia Summary: Searching for a more realistic conceptual and methodical framework for exploring voting behaviour in the post-communist countries, in this paper I speak primarily about voters in Serbia, and the nineteen nineties. The observed continuity in conceptualization of vote, and in pushing the non-voters into the background of surveys and analyses, might lead to a distorted picture of the electorate as a whole, as well as to misjudgements on its capacity for democracy. Therefore it is important to broaden consistently the concept of vote (to include other meanings besides support for the best party), and to include non-voters more often into analyses (even when they are not directly the research subject). That would enable us to explore more realistically and accurately the past, and, which is perhaps even more important, the future voting behaviour in Serbia, namely to found deeper understanding of the electoral results at the end of 2003. Actually, consistence of democracy depends not on the voters only, but on the parties as well. Key words: non-voters, electorate as a whole, democracy, parties. Milan Jovanovic ELECTORAL REFORMS - THE CASE OF SERBIA Summary: In one decade Serbia applied almost all of the most widely spread types of electoral systems. Only two electoral cycles for the central representative body were held on the same electoral model. The consequences of electoral legislation on the party system, on the functioning of the parliament and government, were not in line with the parties' expectations, while conflicts between parties in the past decade centred around the electoral system reform. Not one electoral system managed to achieve more than two of the functions that it is expected to: simplicity, participation, aggregation and effectiveness, representation and legitimacy. All electoral reforms were under the strong influence of party self-interests. The attention is now focused on the need for a thorough reform of all elements of electoral legislation, and, along with that, only on the registering of voters, the threshold and on testing the public to establish whether it would accept some of the different kinds of combined majority-proportional model. The author presents his proposals on how to make voter rolls, points to the problems that lowering the threshold could have on the fragmentation of the party system and presents his proposals on how to minimize the potential of the small parties for blackmail; he warns of the potential consequences of introducing a trench electoral model. Key words: electoral system, political consequences of electoral legislation, electoral reform, registering of voters, threshold Mario Brudar ELECTIONS IN KOSOVO 1990 - 2000 Summary: The author is of the opinion that elections held in Kosovo and Metohija during this period of time are characterised by four things: the Albanians' boycott, the Serb population's support for Milosevic and the Socialists, political parties' lack of organisation and interest in Kosovo and the Socialists' electoral fraud. All of these characteristics made it possible for the Socialists to use Kosovo and Metohija, for a period of ten years, as a reservoir of votes that they would reach for whenever the need arose and so manage to stay in power. In a brief outline the author explains the reasons for each of these characteristics, while he uses short descriptions and analyses of elections held between 1990 and 2000 to point to the examples of electoral fraud in Kosovo which, having in mind their scope, threw into question the regularity of all elections held in Milosevic's Serbia. Key words: elections, Socialists, fraud, manipulation, Milosevic, Serbs, opposition Dragana Antonijevic SOME SYMBOLIC ELEMENTS IN VOJISLAV KOSTUNICA'S ELECTION CAMPAIGN Summary: In this paper six aspects of Mr Kostunica's election campaign were considered: first of all, the psychological profile of Kostunica as perceived in public; second, the symbolic key in which Kostunica was presented; third, the ceremonial character of the election campaign; next, the emotional reactions of people in direct contact with Kostunica; then, the important element which is the political discourse used by Kostunica in his public speeches, which contained symbols of historical and national tradition, as well as sacral dimension; and finally the intriguing occult dimension of the campaign. Key words: Election Campaign, Symbolic Elements, Tradition, Sacral and Occult dimension in the campaign Jeb E. Adams SERBIAN TRANSITION THROUGH THE LENS OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2002-2003 Summary: The aim of this paper is to look into the reasons why Serbia cannot elect a president and attempt to assess if this inability (as viewed in the West) has led to democratic stagnation. The first part of this paper determines if Serbia possesses democratic tradition and decide whether the existence (or lack-there-of) such a tradition can help explain why Serbia is unable at this moment to elect a president. The second aspect of this paper addresses Serbian political culture. This section determines if current Serbian political culture is prone to historically determined authoritarian conformity; or if it is rational in its forming of choices. As in the first part of this paper, this section attemptes to uncover the reason why Serbia is unable to elect a president by way of analyzing Serbian political culture. The final section of this paper focuses on what many transitologists refer to as a period of disenchantment. The notion of disenchantment can best be described as the societal low felt after the initial euphoria of (in this case) the ousting of former President Slobodan Milosevic and the installment of a new pro-democratic government. This section addresses the idea of disenchantment in today's Serbia, thereby concluding if it is in fact a valid reason why the Serbian electorate has failed to elect a president. Key words: elections, transition, political culture, disenchantment. Djordje Vukadinovic DECEMBER 2003 - ONE ALTERNATIVE SPRING OF SERBIAN DEMOCRACY Summary Author analyses the results of parlamentarian elections held in December 2003 and the circumstances that led to forming Kostunica's Government. He argues that the outcome of these elections were supstantially determined by series of unsuccesful presidential elections, including Novembar elections that brought victory to SRS candidate Tomislav Nikolic against DOS candidate Dragoljub Micunovic. Mentioned parlamentarian elections were the first really free, democratic and fair elections in Serbia and author contents that aspect - along with overthrowing of DOS Cabinet - is too often neglected. Finally, he concludes that Vojislav Kostunica, in spite of relatively poor results, and widespread disbelief in his capabilities as a lider, has very succesfully resolved political crisis in Serbia and thus provided a good ground for regeration of his political persona and his party. Key words: Serbia, elections, Parliament, Government, democratic block, DOS, SRS, DSS, Kostunica. Slobodan Antonic SERBIA - AWASH WITH ELECTIONS: FROM THE 2003 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS TO THE 2004 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS Summary: The text explains the political course of events in Serbia between the 2003 parliamentary elections and presidential elections held in 2004. The two major events in which one recognises the behaviour of the main political players in Serbia are: 1. the formation of a coalition government following the 2003 parliamentary elections, and 2. the formation of political coalitions prior to the 2004 presidential elections. The behaviour of political players and voters is explained by the fact that there are three main lines of rifts in Serbia's politics. The two deeper are known as "the Djindjic line" (on the Left) and "the Milosevic line" (on the Right) while the shallower (in the centre) is called "the axis of Kostunica". The general conclusion is that these rifts will probably continue to determine the behaviour of political players in Serbia. Key words: electoral coalitions, post-electoral coalitions, rifts Branko Radun 2004 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS How Serbia got its first "post-political" president Summary: The text focuses on Boris Tadic's political rise and victory in the presidential election. It analyses various aspects of his "formula of success": winning the support of the powerful and influential, effective election campaign strategy and a positive media picture in the public. It analyses Boris Tadic's appearance as a new trend on the local political scene, as a victory of political marketing, but also as a breakthrough of post-politics and post-modern politics in Serbia. The analysis also focuses on the relationship between Tadic's campaign and those of his political rivals, and on the "historic" televised debate with Tomislav Nikolic. Key words: Boris Tadic, Democratic Party, strategy, marketing, post-politics Aleksandra Kostic PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN SERBIA IN 2004: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL REVIEW Summary: In the first part of the text the author analyses some of the aspects of the main presidential candidates' public appearances in the election campaign prior to the first round of elections. In the second part of the text the socio-political situation in Serbia is analysed through a parallel review of the way in which presidential candidates grasped and presented some of the key political issues (Europe, history, the function of the president) in the 2004 election campaign. Key words: candidates, Tadic, Nikolic, Marsicanin, Karic, president, history, Europe Zoran Stokic STATUS OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS FROM KOSOVO AND METOHIA IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO Summary: The end of the socialistic regime and the old social security system, in Serbia and Montenegro, together with a long-term economical crises and huge unemployment rate led vast majority of population into some kind of survival strategy. After the Milosevic's regime change in 2000 hopes in better standard were betrayed and this had as a consequence massive turn of the election body to the right hand side parties, which election programs were based on demagogy and social parole. It is clear that adequate social politic makes ground for successful social reform. This thesis was elaborate in this paper on the example of social position and status of internally displaced persons from Kosovo and Metohija (as a most vulnerable part of population). It was shown that misrepresentation of their position was not a good basis for planning and implementing of a adequate social politics. Keywords: internally displaced persons, poverty limit, survival strategy, right to return, solidarity Bojan Dimitrijevic SERBIA BETWEEN A EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY AND THE BALKAN SYNDROME Summary: Three years after the ouster of Milosevic Serbia faces the danger of coming down with the "Balkan syndrome". It is characterised by a weak democracy and unsuccessful economic reforms. Explained in the text is the current situation in Serbia's society and economy. Serbia is on the verge of getting caught in a vicious circle in which weak institutions lead to unsuccessful reforms which, in turn, lead to the wakening of institutions. The author emphasises the need to break the vicious circle, which is possible to achieve only by calling early elections and reaching a national consensus on strategic political and economic aims. This consensus would lead to the formation of strong institutions of democracy, further economic reforms and full membership with the European Union. Key words: transition, reforms, macro-economy Mile Savic THE INTELLECTUAL AND GLOBAL POLITICS The reality of Giddens' cosmopolitan utopia in the light of Blair's "sober pragmatism" Summary: The text focuses on the intellectuals' engagement in politics, which the author analyses using the example of Giddens' role as T. Blair's advisor. The author reconstructs the relationship between the social theory (Giddens) and real politics (Blair) mainly by analysing the problem of globalisation. The author is of the opinion that the intellectuals' engagement in politics is no different than anyone else's political engagement, so the policy of the intellectual discourse always boils down to real politics. Therefore, Giddens' example of an intellectual-advisor fails to show to what extent politics are subordinated to autonomous cognitive and moral imperatives but rather indicates the extent to which cognitive competence and moral beliefs are subordinated to the imperatives of real politics.
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